reference to a meager number of translated texts. By early 1920, Qu was sent by the Beijing Morning Post to Moscow to report directly on the Russian revolution and its messy aftermath. His travelogue, History of the Heart in the Red Capital (Chi du xin shi / When confronted from an anarchist perspective, several of the difficult aspects of an acceptance of Bolshevism/Marxism included the prominence accorded by Bolshevism to a centralized disciplined party in the organization and leadership of political and ideological activity, as well as the centrality given in Marxism to the inevitability of class struggle and the victory of the proletariat in the era of industrial capitalism. On the latter issue, anarchists tended to see things in the binary terms of authority/non-authority, where authority was embedded not merely in state / society or class antagonisms, but also in families, the cultural realm, everyday routines, labor regimes of all varieties, gender relations, and so on. Thus, unlike liberals, who believed China’s social structure did not have class conflict but was merely backward (as compared to Euro-America-Japan), anarchists saw class, but could not accept it as the primary way through which people lived their social subordination. Moreover, anarchists could not accept that an authoritarian institution such as the party or the state could be used to transform social relations in an equitable direction. The mismatch between ends (social justice) and means (state or party authority) was too great. This, then, led them to suspect that the discipline of a centralized Bolshevist party, whose role was to coordinate activity and police acceptable ideological parameters of political understanding, would lead to the imposition of the party over social and political life more generally. In their refusal to accept these premises, anarchists, through the 1920s, became anathema to the CCP, and the party—once formed—diligently purged them from the ranks, as had Lenin in postrevolutionary Russia.
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