Financial Cold War. James A. Fok

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policies was bringing Britain to the ‘verge of revolution’.19

      Notwithstanding Maynard Keynes’ impassioned assault on gold, the Conservative Party's victory in the 1924 general election heightened expectations of a return to the gold standard. Winston Churchill, who had roamed the political wilderness since spearheading the Gallipoli debacle in 1915, was surprised to find himself appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer in Stanley Baldwin's government. This meant that the decision about sterling's link to gold fell to him. While no intellectual laggard, Churchill never mastered the details of monetary policy and relied on advice from experts in the field. Although Keynes was among those whom he consulted, the establishment orthodoxy prevailed. In his budget of April 1925, Churchill announced Britain's return to the gold standard at the pre-war rate. This soon proved to be a mistake that he came to regret.

      He argued that gold as a foundation for the monetary system had only worked during the 19th century because new mining discoveries had fortuitously kept pace with economic growth. The operation of monetary policy to avoid the loss of gold reserves, as was the prevailing practice, entailed raising interest rates at times of economic weakness, which served to raise savings and exacerbate falling consumer demand, further compounding falling profits. Given the fluctuating pace of economic growth and variances between different trading partners, he believed that central banks were much better positioned to manage a country's monetary affairs without gold as a reference. This is, in fact, the system commonly followed today with floating fiat currencies, but was a revolutionary concept at the time.

      Keynes also explained that inflation and deflation, more than just a rise and fall in prices, were a means of wealth transfer between different groups and social classes within society. Classical economic theory held that, in a free market, wages would naturally adjust to a level at which there would be full employment. Keynes debunked this theory and showed that there was no natural tendency for full employment. For structural and even psychological reasons, wages do not necessarily adjust in line with falls in prices and profits. Further, since falling wages themselves removed economic demand, deflation could actually worsen unemployment. This meant that high unemployment could persist indefinitely unless governments intervened to boost consumption demand. Crucially, he argued that such government spending would have a ‘multiplier’ effect, since it would stimulate other economic activity. This therefore justified governments’ use of deficit spending at times of rising unemployment as a means of ‘pump priming’ the economy to induce a return to growth.

      Via the transmission mechanisms of international trade and investment, economic problems in one country spread to others and prosperity declined globally. Even countries that had run large trade surpluses suffered. France had maintained strong exports by keeping the franc undervalued, but the Banque de France incurred huge losses on its sterling balances when Britain was forced to devalue the pound in 1931.

      Keynes returned to the Treasury as an unpaid advisor to the Chancellor of the Exchequer after WW2 started. By this time, he was becoming a part of the establishment that he had previously derided. He was elected to the Court of the Bank of England in 1941 and then ennobled as Baron Keynes of Tilton the following year. Understanding the implications of his country's financial position and the need to plan ahead for its changed circumstances after the war, he began work in August 1941 on a plan for a new post-war global monetary order.

      Anxious to avoid a repeat of the policy mistakes of the 1920s and 1930s, his plan sought to replicate the stability of the gold standard within a more flexible framework. There were two key elements to his proposal.

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