explanatory power. Providing evidence that gentrification in today’s Mumbai, Moscow or Mexico City differ from those in Islington or the Lower East Side 30 years ago hardly comes as a surprise and, as a consequence, I find the benefit of such an undertaking questionable. This is also supported by studies from the Global South, most of which show only weak interest in the Western imagination of gentrification as an influx of middle‐class professionals, artists or hipsters and their usual consumption patterns.4 4 I should emphasise that this treatment of the term excludes a number of developments that appear in the literature but, in my view, should not be counted as gentrification. Thus, an ‘incumbent upgrading’ of the social structure resulting from an improvement of the social status of sitting residents should not be counted as gentrification because it hardly involves displacement. Neither should publicly financed improvements be regarded as gentrification, as long as they are not connected to market mechanisms and undertaken for the sake of a return on the capital invested. State‐led displacement motivated by reasons other than profitability (e.g. ethnic cleansing) also stands outside this definition.
5 5 Researchers from the UK or the USA clearly profit from colonial history in this regard, as they can easily do comparative studies using their native language. Unfortunately, this also supports an imbalance within urban studies in which the UK and former British colonies are extremely overrepresented both as empirical cases and with regard to their impact on wider theorisations.
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