and a cashiering, and afterwards Bartholomew came to England and bombarded first the War Office and then the press with a sheaf of typewritten grievances. Afterwards he went into the theatrical line of business and appeared in music-hall sketches as ‘Captain Lauder Bartholomew — the Hero of Dopfontein’.
There were other chapters which made good reading, for he figured in a divorce case, ran a society newspaper, owned a few selling platers, and achieved the distinction of appearing in the Racing Calendar in a paragraph which solemnly and officially forbade his presence on Newmarket Heath.
That he should figure on the Inner Council of the Red Hundred is remarkable only in so far as it demonstrates how much out of touch with British sentiments and conditions is the average continental politician. For Bartholomew’s secret application to be enrolled a member of the Red Hundred had been received with acclamation and his promotion to the Inner Council had been rapid. Was he not an English officer — an aristocrat? A member of the most exclusive circle of English society? Thus argued the Red Hundred, to whom a subaltern in a scallywag corps did not differ perceptibly from a Commander of the Household Cavalry.
Bartholomew lied his way to the circle, because he found, as he had all along suspected, that there was a strong business end to terrorism. There were grants for secret service work, and with his fertile imagination it was not difficult to find excuses and reasons for approaching the financial executive of the Red Hundred at frequent intervals. He claimed intimacy with royal personages. He not only stated as a fact that he was in their confidence, but he suggested family ties which reflected little credit upon his progenitors.
The Red Hundred was a paying speculation; membership of the Inner Council was handsomely profitable. He had drawn a bow at a venture when under distress — literally it was a distress warrant issued at the instance of an importunate landlord — he had indited a letter to a revolutionary offering to act as London agent for an organization which was then known as The Friends of the People, but which has since been absorbed into the body corporate of the Red Hundred. It is necessary to deal fully with the antecedents of this man because he played a part in the events that are chronicled in the Council of Justice that had effects further reaching than Bartholomew, the mercenary of anarchism, could in his wildest moments have imagined.
He was one of the seven that gathered in the dingy drawingroom of a Greek Street boardinghouse, and it was worthy of note that five of his fellows greeted him with a deference amounting to humility. The exception was Starque, who, arriving late, found an admiring circle hanging upon the words of this young man with the shifty eyes, and he frowned his displeasure.
Bartholomew looked up as Starque entered and nodded carelessly.
Starque took his place at the head of the table, and motioned impatiently to the others to be seated. One, whose duty it was, rose from his chair and locked the door. The windows were shuttered, but he inspected the fastenings; then, taking from his pocket two packs of cards, he scattered them in a confused heap upon the table. Every man produced a handful of money and placed it before him.
Starque was an ingenious man and had learnt many things in Russia. Men who gather round a green baize-covered table with locked doors are apt to be dealt with summarily if no adequate excuse for their presence is evident, and it is more satisfactory to be fined a hundred roubles for gambling than to be dragged off at a moment’s notice to an indefinite period of labour in the mines on suspicion of being concerned in a revolutionary plot.
Starque now initiated the business of the evening. If the truth be told, there was little in the earlier proceedings that differed from the procedure of the typical committee.
There were monies to be voted. Bartholomew needed supplies for a trip to Paris, where, as the guest of an Illustrious Personage, he hoped to secure information of vital importance to the Hundred.
‘This is the fourth vote in two months, comrade,’ said Starque testily, ‘last time it was for information from your Foreign Office, which proved to be inaccurate.’
Bartholomew shrugged his shoulders with an assumption of carelessness.
‘If you doubt the wisdom of voting the money, let it pass,’ he said; ‘my men fly high — I am not bribing policemen or sous-officiers of diplomacy.’
‘It is not a question of money,’ said Starque sullenly, ‘it is a question of results. Money we have in plenty, but the success of our glorious demonstration depends upon the reliability of our information.’
The vote was passed, and with its passing came a grim element into the council.
Starque leant forward and lowered his voice.
There are matters that need your immediate attention,’ he said. He took a paper from his pocket, and smoothed it open in front of him. ‘We have been so long inactive that the tyrants to whom the name of Red Hundred is full of terror, have come to regard themselves as immune from danger. Yet,’ his voice sank lower, ‘yet we are on the eve of the greatest of our achievements, when the oppressors of the people shall be moved at one blow! And we will strike a blow at kingship as shall be remembered in the history of the world aye, when the victories of Caesar and Alexander are forgotten and when the scenes of our acts are overlaid with the dust and debris of a thousand years. But that great day is not yet — first we must remove the lesser men that the blow may fall surer; first the servant, then the master.’ He stabbed the list before him with a thick forefinger.
‘Fritz von Hedlitz,’ he read, ‘Chancellor to the Duchy of Hamburg-Altoona.’
He looked round the board and smiled.
‘A man of some initiative, comrades — he foiled our attempt on his master with some cunning — do I interpret your desire when I say — death?’
‘Death!’
It was a low murmured chorus.
Bartholomew, renegade and adventurer, said it mechanically. It was nothing to him a brave gentleman should die for no other reason than that he had served his master faithfully.
‘Marquis de Santo-Strato, private secretary to the Prince of the Escorial,’ read Starque.
‘Death!’ Again the murmured sentence.
One by one, Starque read the names, stopping now and again to emphasize some enormity of the man under review.
‘Here is Hendrik Houssmann,’ he said, tapping the paper, ‘of the Berlin Secret Police: an interfering man and a dangerous one. He has already secured the arrest and punishment of one of our comrades.’
‘Death,’ murmured the council mechanically.
The list took half an hour to dispose of.
‘There is another matter,’ said Starque.
The council moved uneasily, for that other matter was uppermost in every mind.
‘By some means we have been betrayed,’ the chairman went on, and his voice lacked that confidence which characterized his earlier speech; ‘there is an organization — an organization of reaction — which has set itself to thwart us. That organization has discovered our identity.’ He paused a little.
‘This morning I received a letter which named me president of the Inner Council and threatened me.’ Again he hesitated.
‘It was signed “The Four
