The American
Revolution and
the Declaration of
Independence
THE ESSAYS OF
GEORGE H. SMITH
CATO INSTITUTE
WASHINGTON, D.C.
Copyright © 2017 by the Cato Institute.
All rights reserved.
eBook ISBN: 978-1-944424-49-7
Print ISBN: 978-1-944424-48-0
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data available.
Cover design: Faceout.
Printed in the United States of America.
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CONTENTS
Independence Day: What Is There to Celebrate?
Part 1: History of the American Revolution
1. Americans with Attitudes: Smuggling in Colonial America
2. “Liberty and Property!” The Sons of Liberty and Resistance to the Stamp Act
3. A Misunderstanding, the Townshend Act, and More Trouble in the American Colonies
5. The Coercive Acts and Their Theoretical Significance
6. Fingering the King on the Road to Independence
Part 2: The Declaration of Independenc
7. “That Audacious Document”: Notes on the Declaration of Independence
8. Was Thomas Jefferson a Plagiarist?
9. The Philosophy of the Declaration of Independence
Independence Day: What Is There to Celebrate?
The Fourth of July is upon us once again—time for many Americans to fly the flag, take the tots to see local fireworks, and praise America as the greatest country that has existed in the annals of humankind or that ever will exist until the sun burns out.
I enjoy holidays as much as anyone else does. They give me a respectable excuse to avoid working and to do so with a clear conscience, even if I am late on a deadline. I applaud any plausible rationale for guilt-free indolence, and I harbor a deep resentment against the Protestant Reformers, especially the puritans, for abolishing many of the traditional Catholic holidays.
In the tradition of Aristotle, as channeled through Aquinas and other medieval philosophers, Catholic intellectuals tended to view work as a means to the end of leisure, and leisure as the time when we do things for their own sake rather than for the sake of something else. Then along came some grim Protestants who promoted a view that was later called the Protestant work ethic, according to which work is an end in itself and leisure is to be feared as the devil’s playground.
H. L. Mencken had a point when he defined puritanism as “the haunting fear that someone, somewhere, may be happy.” So did the great English historian T. B. Macaulay when he wrote, “The puritan hated bear baiting, not because it gave pain to the bear, but because it gave pleasure to the spectators.” Then there is the joke about a puritan minister who, when asked if it is sinful for a married couple to experience simultaneous orgasms during sex, replied, “Two wrongs don’t make a right.”
Nevertheless, even the most puritanical among us have enthusiastically embraced Independence Day as a time for pleasure. Cantankerous John Adams, a puritan in spirit if not in doctrine, believed that Independence Day “ought to be solemnized with Pomp and Parade, with Shews, Games, Sports, Guns, Bells, Bonfires and Illuminations from one End of this Continent to the other from this Time forward forever more.”
John’s hopeful prediction did not quite pan out. It is well known, for example, that he expected Independence Day to be celebrated on the second of July, since that was when American independence was officially proclaimed by the Second Continental Congress. In addition, John did not anticipate that some of the festivities he recommended would later become illegal. Celebrate the Fourth of July with a gun and you might land in jail. If you want a bonfire or parade, you will need a special government permit. And depending on your state, the private use of fireworks (“illuminations”) might get you arrested. Ironically, consumer fireworks are banned in Massachusetts, John’s beloved home state, so if he were alive today and wanted to follow his own advice, he would need to go elsewhere to celebrate freedom legally.
Exactly what are we celebrating on the Fourth of July? More specifically, is there anything about Independence Day that libertarians should celebrate?
Well, there was the formal separation of 13 American colonies from the British Empire, but that doesn’t explain the exuberance of our contemporary celebrations. And there is the bit about “No taxation without representation”—a slogan that has little meaning today and, contrary to popular opinion, was rarely if ever heard during protests against British measures. Moreover, “No taxation without representation” is misleading because it suggests that colonials would have agreed to be taxed if they could elect their own representatives to serve in the British Parliament, whereas virtually all radicals expressly repudiated that option. Nor is it true that the colonials would have passively paid taxes that were authorized by their own legislatures. Quite the contrary; as the historian Robert Palmer wryly observed in his two-volume masterpiece, The Age
