the vast majority of poor ‘outsiders’ over the past 20 years, while the amendments would ‘kill growth and jobs and accelerate the economic exclusion of the majority’. The amendments were also ‘Verwoerdian’ in their insistence on racial quotas.133
But Enoch Godongwana, chairman of the ANC’s transformation committee, countered that the ruling party would be ‘unapologetic in pursuing “Verwoerdian” tactics, and would ‘unashamedly use quotas in every sector of the economy’. Commented Zille: ‘He seemed unaware that, in our democracy, Verwoerd’s methods are both unconstitutional and unlawful.’
Godongwana’s views were also echoed by several others at this gathering of the new elite. As Zille writes, many of them ‘rose to defend Verwoerd, saying he had lifted Afrikaners out of poverty through rigorous state intervention and … inflexible affirmative action to benefit “his” people. “We now need a leader who will do the same for our people”,’ they stressed.
The claim that Verwoerd used racial quotas to advance the Afrikaners is historically incorrect (as discussed in Chapter 4). However, it does provide an insight into the views of an expanding and influential black middle class, which has already benefited greatly from employment equity in the public service and is now pushing hard for the private sector to be opened up to it in the same way.
Ironically, writes RW Johnson, a journalist and former don at Oxford University, the EE amendments are ‘aimed pretty much exclusively at providing this already privileged group with more … employment opportunities’. By contrast, they have ‘absolutely nothing to offer the vast majority of Africans, from mineworkers to domestics’. For the truly disadvantaged, the existing legislation has simply resulted in worse service delivery, lower economic growth, and fewer prospects of finding jobs. With the relevant rules now being ratcheted up, these harms will increase. This negative outcome will far outweigh any help the amendments might bring to the relative elite.134
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