racial, gender, and sexual‐orientation microaggressions, microaggressions toward members of all marginalized social‐identity groups are a common and continuing experience in their lives. Microaggressions against these groups are plentiful, as indicated by the next examples.
A man with visual impairment reports that, when people speak to him, they often raise their voices. A well‐meaning nurse was actually “yelling at him” when giving him directions on taking his medication. He replied to her: “Please don't raise your voice, I can hear you perfectly well.” (Hidden message: A person with a disability is defined as lesser in all aspects of functioning.)
During a parent‐teacher conference, a teacher suggested to a mother that her son, 16‐year‐old Jesus Fernandez, had learning problems. He was inattentive in class, unmotivated, late with homework, and frequently napped at his desk. The teacher was unaware that Jesus worked four to five hours after school to help support the family. (Hidden message: Lack of consciousness about how dealing with poverty can sap the energies of people.)
In referring to an outfit worn by a woman on TV, the viewer described it as “trashy” and “classless.” (Hidden message: Lower social class is associated with being lesser and undesirable.)
A friendly neighbor wished a Jewish mother “Merry Christmas.” (Hidden message: Everyone is Christian.)
While a customer was bargaining over the price of an item, the store owner commented, “Don't try to Jew me down” (Hidden message: Jews are stingy.)
Countless examples of microaggressions are delivered daily without perpetrators' awareness. Although these actions may appear harmless or innocent in nature, they are nevertheless detrimental to targets because they result in harmful psychological consequences and create disparities. Microaggressions sap the spiritual energy of targets (Pierce, 1995), lead to low self‐esteem (Franklin, 2004), and deplete or divert energy for adaptive functioning and problem solving (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2000). The following adapted passage, for example, indicates how microaggressions affect Don Locke, an African American.
I am tired of—
Watching mediocre White people continue to rise to positions of authority and responsibility.
Wondering if the White woman who quickly exited the elevator when I got on was really at her destination.
Being told I do not sound Black.
Being told by White people that they “don't see color” when they interact with me.
The deadening silence that occurs when the conversation turns to race. Having to explain why I wish to be called “African American.” Wondering if things will get better.
Wondering if the taxi driver really did not see me trying to hail a ride.
Being told that I should not criticize racially segregated country clubs because I wouldn't enjoy associating with people who belong to them anyway.
Being followed in department stores by the security force and pestered by sales clerks who refuse to allow me to browse because they suspect I am a shoplifter.
Never being able to let my racial guard down.
Listening to reports about people of color who failed as justification for the absence of other people of color in positions of authority.
Being told that “we are just not ready for a Black person in that position.”
Having to explain that my sexual fantasies do not center on White women.
Feeling racially threatened when approached by a White law enforcement officer.
Explaining that not all African Americans are employed to meet some quota.
Being told that I need to openly distance myself from another African American whose words have offended someone.
Having people tell me that I have it made and then telling me that I have “sold out” in order to have what I have.
Explaining why I am tired.
Being tired.
(Adapted from Locke, 1994, p. 30)
It is important to note that microaggressions are not only confined to their individual psychological effects. They affect the quality of life and standard of living for marginalized group members in our society. Microaggressions have the secondary but devastating effect of denying equal access and opportunity in education, employment, and health care. Although seemingly minimal in nature, the harm they produce operates on a systemic and macro level.
If we return to our earlier case vignettes, we can conclude that the students of color in Professor Richardson's class are being subjected to a hostile and invalidating educational climate. They expend energy in defending an assault on their racial/cultural identity and integrity (Solórzano et al., 2000; D. W. Sue, Lin, Torino, et al., 2009). They are placed in a situation of learning material from an ethnocentric perspective when they know a different history. They must comply and accept what they perceive as partial truths (and oftentimes mistruths) or fight to see themselves and their groups represented realistically in the curriculum. If they fight, they are likely to be labeled troublemakers and assigned lower grades. Even if they are exposed to relevant materials, they may lack the energy to be fully engaged in the learning process (Salvatore & Shelton, 2007; Steele, 1997). If, however, they decide to accept the reality espoused by the professor, they may feel that they have “sold out.” Regardless of the actions they take, the students of color will be placed at an educational disadvantage that often is reflected in lower grades, lowered chances to be admitted to institutions of higher education, less education, and ultimately lower levels of employment.
Even when educational achievements are outstanding, as in the case of Kathleen, gender microaggressions may severely limit a person's ability to be hired, retained, or promoted in the company (Hinton, 2004; Pierce, 1988). While the brokerage firm interviewer might on a conscious level believe that the company would offer the job to the most qualified applicant, his microaggressive behaviors reflect unconscious gender biases. Thus, he can in good conscience offer the position to a man and at the same time maintain his innocence or the belief that he chose a candidate without bias. Few employers realize that the high unemployment rates and the “glass ceiling” encountered by women and employees of color are reflected in the many microaggressions delivered by well‐intentioned coworkers and upper managers (D. W. Sue, Lin, & Rivera, 2009). The inequities in employment and education are not so much the result of overt racism, sexism, or bigotry but the unintentional, subtle, and invisible microaggressions that place members of marginalized groups at a disadvantage. Ironically, hate crimes are illegal, but microaggressions are not (D. W. Sue, 2008).
The Way Forward
Making the “Invisible” Visible
Since the publication of the first edition of this book, there have been numerous publicized examples of White people calling 911 on Black people doing ordinary activities. From the example of actor Ving Rhames entering his Santa Monica home to Oregon State representative Janelle Bynam canvassing constituents in a suburban neighborhood, to a Yale University student sleeping in a university dorm common room, to women playing a round of golf at the Grandview Golf Club in York, Pennsylvania, to the example of two young men waiting for friends
