Ibid., p. 133.
62 "No text," says Bergaigne, "bears better witness to the consciousness of a magic action by man upon the waters of heaven than verse x, 32, 7, where this belief is expressed in general terms, applicable to an actual man, as well as to his real or mythological ancestors: 'The ignorant man has questioned the wise; instructed by the wise, he acts, and here is the profit of his instruction: he obtains the flowing of streams'" (p. 137).
63 Ibid., p. 139.
64 Examples will also be found in Hubert, art. Magia in the Dictionnaire des Antiquités, VI, p. 1509.
65 Not to mention the sage and the saint who practise these truths and who for that reason are sacred.
66 This is not saying that these relations cannot take a religious character. But they do not do so necessarily.
67 Schultze, Fetichismus, p. 129.
68 Examples of these usages will be found in Frazer, Golden Bough, 2 edit., I, pp. 81 ff.
69 The conception according to which the profane is opposed to the sacred, just as the irrational is to the rational, or the intelligible is to the mysterious, is only one of the forms under which this opposition is expressed. Science being once constituted, it has taken a profane character, especially in the eyes of the Christian religions; from that it appears as though it could not be applied to sacred things.
70 See Frazer, On Some Ceremonies of the Central Australian Tribes in Australian Association for the Advancement of Science, 1901, pp. 313 ff. This conception is also of an extreme generality. In India, the simple participation in the sacrificial act has the same effects; the sacrificer, by the mere act of entering within the circle of sacred things, changes his personality. (See, Hubert and Mauss, Essai sur le Sacrifice in the Année Sociologique, II, p. 101.)
71 See what was said of the initiation above, p. 39.
72 We shall point out below how, for example, certain species of sacred things exist, between which there is an incompatibility as all-exclusive as that between the sacred and the profane (Bk. III, ch. v, § 4).
73 This is the case with certain marriage and funeral rites, for example.
74 See Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 534 ff.; Northern Tribes of Central Australia, p. 463; Howitt, Native Tribes of S.E. Australia, pp. 359-361.
75 See Codrington, The Melanesians, ch. xii.
76 See Hubert, art. Magia in Dictionnaire des Antiquités.
77 For example, in Melanesia, the tindalo is a spirit, now religious, now magic (Codrington, pp. 125 ff., 194 ff.).
78 See Hubert and Mauss, Théorie Générale de la Magie, in Année Sociologique, vol. VII, pp. 83-84.
79 For example, the host is profaned in the black mass.
80 One turns his back to the altar, or goes around the altar commencing by the left instead of by the right.
81 Loc. cit., p. 19.
82 Undoubtedly it is rare that a ceremony does not have some director at the moment when it is celebrated; even in the most crudely organized societies, there are generally certain men whom the importance of their social position points out to exercise a directing influence over the religious life (for example, the chiefs of the local groups of certain Australian societies). But this attribution of functions is still very uncertain.
83 At Athens, the gods to whom the domestic cult was addressed were only specialized forms of the gods of the city (Ζεύς κτήσιος, Ζεύς ἑρκεῖος). In the same way, in the Middle Ages, the patrons of the guilds were saints of the calendar.
84 For the name Church is ordinarily applied only to a group whose common beliefs refer to a circle of more special affairs.
85 Hubert and Mauss, loc. cit., p. 18.
86 Robertson Smith has already pointed out that magic is opposed to religion, as the individual to the social (The Religion of the Semites, 2 edit., pp. 264-265). Also, in thus distinguishing magic from religion, we do not mean to establish a break of continuity between them. The frontiers between the two domains are frequently uncertain.
87 Codrington, Trans. and Proc. Roy. Soc. of Victoria, XVI, p. 136.
88 Negrioli, Dei Genii presso i Romani.
89 This is the conclusion reached by Spencer in his Ecclesiastical Institutions (ch. xvi), and by Sabatier in his Outlines of a Philosophy of Religion, based on Psychology and History (tr. by Seed), and by all the school to which he belongs.
90 Notably among numerous Indian tribes of North America.
91 This statement of fact does not touch the question whether exterior and public religion is not merely the development of an interior and personal religion which was the primitive fact, or whether, on the contrary, the second is not the projection of the first into individual consciences. The problem will be directly attacked below (Bk. II, ch. v, § 2, cf. the same book, ch. vi and vii, § 1). For the moment, we confine ourselves to remarking that the individual cult is presented to the observer as an element of, and something dependent upon, the collective cult.
92 It is by this that our present definition is connected to the one we have already proposed in the Année Sociologique. In this other work, we defined religious
