dinner are becoming frequent, but he wisely determines to go but little into society. "All my friends," he says, "who are in practice do this all the year and every year, and I do not see why I should not be privileged, now that I have the moral certainty of earning a small but honourable independence if I labour as hard for the next ten years as during the last three. I was never in better health, rarely so good, and after so long a fallow I feel that a good crop will be yielded and that I am in good train for composition."43 The second volume, he hopes, will be out in six months; this will include the history of the globe to the beginning of the Tertiary era, when the first of existing species appeared.
The next year, 1831, was an epoch marked by more than one change. To take the smallest first, he was made a deputy-lieutenant of the county of Forfar; next, in March, he was elected Professor of Geology at King's College, London, which had been recently founded by members of the Church of England as an educational counterpoise to the University of London (University College). To Lyell himself the appointment was comparatively unimportant, but it indicated that wider views on scientific questions and a more tolerant spirit were gaining ground among the higher ranks of the clergy in the Established Church. The appointment was in the hands, exclusively, of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of London and of Llandaff, and two "strictly orthodox doctors." Llandaff, Lyell was informed, hesitated, but Conybeare,44 though opposed to Lyell's theories, vouched for his orthodoxy. So the prelates declared that they "considered some of my doctrines startling enough, but could not find that they were come by otherwise than in a straight-forward manner, and (as I appeared to think) logically deducible from the facts; so that whether the facts were true or not, or my conclusions logical or otherwise, there was no reason to infer that I had made my theory from any hostile feeling towards revelation"45– a conclusion, marked by a wise caution, which representatives of the Church of England would have done well to bear in mind on more than one subsequent occasion – such as, for example, when the question of the antiquity of man or that of the origin of species was raised. But supporters of the Church of England may fairly maintain that in difficult crises, especially in those connected with discoveries in science or in history, the utterances of her bishops have been generally cautious and far-seeing; displays of confident ignorance and rash denunciations are more common among the "inferior clergy." As a comment on the moderation indicated by his election, Lyell says that a friend in the United States affirms that there "he could hardly dare to approve of the doctrines even in a review, such a storm would the orthodox raise against him. So much for toleration of Church Establishment and No Church Establishment countries." A third event of the year – which also happened in the earlier part of it – was destined to exercise a much more lasting influence upon his life. This was his engagement to Miss Mary Horner, eldest daughter of Mr. Leonard Horner, the younger and hardly less distinguished brother of Francis Horner, who, while almost as enthusiastic a geologist as his future son-in-law, took an active interest in educational questions, and afterwards did public service as Inspector of Factories.
By the middle of June Lyell had advanced as far as page 110 in printing the second volume of the "Principles of Geology," notwithstanding interruptions, such as a visit to Cambridge, where he took an ad eundem degree,46 and the presence of his father and brother, as well as of his friend Conybeare, in London, all of whom required to be lionised. The letter47 (to Mantell) which refers to these impediments, passes abruptly from Fitton's broken arm to the giant femur of a new reptile, and incidentally mentions the discovery of a section which has since become a centre of geological controversy. "Murchison and his wife," he writes, "are gone to make a tour in Wales, where a certain Trimmer has found near Snowdon 'crag' shells at a height of 1,000 feet, which Buckland and he convey thither by the deluge." The shells are at an altitude above sea-level considerably higher than Lyell supposed. Moel Tryfaen is a massive, rather outlying hill, about five miles west of the peak of Snowdon, and at about the same distance from the nearest part of the sea-coast. Its bare summit rises gently to a scattered group of projecting crags, the highest of which is 1,401 feet above the sea. On the eastern side are extensive slate quarries, and in working these the shell beds are disclosed a short distance below the summit. They consist of well-stratified sands, with occasional gravelly beds, and contain a fair number of shells, both broken and whole, the fauna being slightly more arctic than that which still inhabits the neighbouring sea. The deposit is now recognised as more recent than the "crags" of East Anglia, for none of the species are extinct, and is assigned to some part of the so-called Glacial Epoch. It was before long regarded as an indication that, at no very remote date after North Wales had assumed or very nearly assumed its present outlines, the whole district was depressed for at least 1,380 feet, so that the sea broke over the summit crags of Moel Tryfaen. For many years this interpretation passed unquestioned; but a modern school of geologists has found it to be such an inconvenient obstacle to certain hypotheses about the former extent of land-ice, that they maintain these shells were collected from the bed of the Irish Sea (then supposed to be above water) by an ice-sheet as it was on its way from the north to invade the Principality, and were conveyed by it, with all care, up the slopes of Moel Tryfaen, till they were finally deposited on its summit, in beds which somehow or other were stratified. One may venture to doubt whether the hypothesis of a rampant and conchologically-disposed ice-sheet would have found much more favour with the cautiously inductive mind of Lyell than that of a deluge.
Shortly after this letter, Lyell, though all the manuscript of his second volume had not yet been sent to the printers, and proof-sheets followed him, refreshed himself with a tour of four or five weeks in the volcanic district of the Eifel. Here the cones, all comparatively low, are scattered sporadically over a rolling upland which occupies the angle between the Rhine and the Moselle. The valleys for the most part are carved out of slaty rocks much of the same age as those of Devonshire; and the craters, "strange holes, each eruption having been almost invariably at some new point," are now very commonly occupied by quiet pools of water, such as Lyell had already seen in the old volcanic districts of the Papal States. Among these craters, composed sometimes of loose and light scoria, from which no lava-stream ever flowed, he found fresh evidence – as at the Rotherberg – against the diluvian hypothesis. "It is," as he writes to his friend, Dr. Fleming, "one of the ten thousand proofs of the incubus that the Mosaic deluge has been, and is, I fear, long destined to be, on our science. Now, I am fully determined to open my strongest fire against the new diluvial theory of swamping our continents by waves raised by paroxysmal earthquakes. I can prove by reference to cones (hundreds of uninjured cones) of loose volcanic scoriæ and ashes, of various and some of great antiquity (as proved by associated organic remains), that no such general waves have swept over Europe during the Tertiary era – cones at almost every height, from near the sea, to thousands of feet above it."48
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