And turned to the most profitable account by the Pope. Comp. Chron. Venetum, in Murat. xxiv. col. 133, given only as a report: ‘E si giudiceva, che il Pontefice dovesse cavare assai danari di questo Giubileo, che gli tornerà molto a proposito.
262
Anshelm, Berner Chronik, iii. pp. 146-156. Trithem. Annales Hirsaug. tom. ii. pp. 579, 584, 586.
263
Panvin. Contin. Platinae, p. 341.
264
Hence the splendour of the tombs of the prelates erected during their lifetime. A part of the plunder was in this way saved from the hands of the Popes.
265
Whether Julius really hoped that Ferdinand the Catholic would be induced to restore to the throne of Naples the expelled Aragonese dynasty, remains, in spite of Giovio’s declaration (Vita Alfonsi Ducis), very doubtful.
266
Both poems in Roscoe, Leone X. ed. Bossi, iv. 257 and 297. Of his death the Cronaca di Cremona says: ‘quale fu grande danno per la Italia, perchè era homo che non voleva tramontani in Italia, ed haveva cazato Francesi, e l’animo era de cazar le altri.’ Bibl. Hist. Ital. (1876) i. 217. It is true that when Julius, in August, 1511, lay one day for hours in a fainting fit, and was thought to be dead, the more restless members of the noblest families—Pompeo Colonna and Antimo Savelli—ventured to call ‘the people’ to the Capitol, and to urge them to throw off the Papal yoke—‘a vendicarsi in libertà … a publica ribellione,’ as Guicciardini tells us in his tenth book. See, too, Paul. Jov. in the Vita Pompeji Columnae, and Gregorovius, viii. 71-75.
267
Septimo decretal. l. i. tit. 3, cap. 1-3.
268
Franc. Vettori, in the Arch. Stor. vi. 297.
269
Besides which it is said (Paul. Lang. Chronicon Cilicense) to have produced not less than 500,000 gold florins; the order of the Franciscans alone, whose general was made a cardinal, paid 30,000. For a notice of the various sums paid, see Sanuto, xxiv. fol. 227; for the whole subject see Gregorovius, viii. 214 sqq.
270
Franc. Vettori, l.c. p. 301. Arch. Stor. Append. i. p. 293 sqq. Roscoe, Leone X. ed. Bossi, vi. p. 232 sqq. Tommaso Gar, l. c. p. 42.
271
Ariosto, Sat. vi. v. 106. ‘Tutti morrete, ed è fatal che muoja Leone appresso.’ Sat. 3 and 7 ridicule the hangers on at Leo’s Court.
272
One of several instances of such combinations is given in the Lettere dei Principi, i. 65, in a despatch of the Cardinal Bibbiena from Paris of the year 1518.
273
Franc. Vettori, l.c. p. 333.
274
At the time of the Lateran Council, in 1512, Pico wrote an address: J. E. P. Oratio ad Leonem X. et Concilium Lateranense de Reformandis Ecclesiæ Moribus (ed. Hagenau, 1512, frequently printed in editions of his works). The address was dedicated to Pirckheimer and was again sent to him in 1517. Comp. Vir. Doct. Epist. ad Pirck., ed. Freytag, Leipz. 1838, p. 8. Pico fears that under Leo evil may definitely triumph over good, ‘et in te bellum a nostræ religionis hostibus ante audias geri quam pariri.’
275
Lettere dei Principi, i. (Rome. 17th March, 1523): ‘This city stands on a needle’s point, and God grant that we are not soon driven to Avignon or to the end of the Ocean. I foresee the early fall of this spiritual monarchy.... Unless God helps us we are lost.’ Whether Adrian were really poisoned or not, cannot be gathered with certainty from Blas Ortiz, Itinerar. Hadriani (Baluz. Miscell. ed. Mansi, i. p. 386 sqq.); the worst of it was that everybody believed it.
276
Negro, l.c. on Oct. 24 (should be Sept.) and Nov. 9, 1526, April 11, 1527. It is true that he found admirers and flatterers. The dialogue of Petrus Alcyonus ‘De Exilio’ was written in his praise, shortly before he became Pope.
277
Varchi, Stor. Fiorent. i. 43, 46 sqq.
278
Paul. Jov., Vita Pomp. Columnae.
279
Ranke, Deutsche Geschichte (4 Aufl.) ii. 262 sqq.
280
Varchi, Stor. Fiorent. ii. 43 sqq.
281
Ibid. and Ranke, Deutsche Gesch. ii. 278, note, and iii. 6 sqq. It was thought that Charles would transfer his seat of government to Rome.
282
See his letter to the Pope, dated Carpentras, Sept. 1, 1527, in the Anecdota litt. iv. p. 335.
283
Lettere dei Principi, i. 72. Castiglione to the Pope, Burgos, Dec. 10, 1527.
284
Tommaso Gar, Relaz. della Corte di Roma, i. 299.
285
The Farnese succeeded in something of the kind, the Caraffa were ruined.
286
Petrarca, Epist. Fam. i. 3. p. 574, when he thanks God that he was born an Italian. And again in the Apologia contra cujusdam anonymi Galli Calumnias of the year 1367 (Opp. ed. Bas. 1581) p. 1068 sqq. See L. Geiger, Petrarca, 129-145.
287
Particularly those in vol. i. of Schardius, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, Basel, 1574. For an earlier period, Felix Faber, Historia Suevorum, libri duo (in Goldast, Script. rer. Suev. 1605); for a later, Irenicus, Exegesis Germaniæ, Hagenau, 1518. On the latter work and the patriotic histories of that time, see various studies of A. Horawitz, Hist. Zeitschrift, bd. xxxiii. 118, anm. 1.
288
One instance out of many: The Answers of the Doge of Venice to a Florentine Agent respecting Pisa, 1496, in Malipiero, Ann. Veneti. Arch. Stor. vii. i. p. 427.
289
Observe the expressions ‘uomo singolare’ and ‘uomo unico’ for the higher and highest stages of individual development.
290
By the year 1390 there was no longer any prevailing fashion of dress for men at Florence, each preferring to clothe himself in his own way. See the Canzone of Franco Sacchetti: ‘Contro alle nuove foggie’ in the Rime, publ. dal Poggiali, p. 52.
291
At the close of the sixteenth century Montaigne draws the following parallel (Essais, l. iii. chap. 5, vol. iii. p. 367 of the Paris ed. 1816): ‘Ils (les Italiens) ont plus communement des belles femmes et moins de laides que nous; mais des rares et excellentes beautés j’estime que nous allons à pair. Et j’en juge autant des esprits; de ceux de la commune façon, ils en ont beaucoup plus et evidemment; la brutalité y est sans comparaison plus rare; d’ames singulières et du plus hault estage, nous ne leur en debvons rien.’
292
And also of their wives, as is seen in the family of Sforza and among other North Italian rulers. Comp. in the work of Jacobus Phil. Bergomensis, De Plurimis Claris Selectisque Mulieribus, Ferrara, 1497, the lives of Battista Malatesta, Paola Gonzaga, Bona Lombarda, Riccarda of Este, and the chief women of the House of Sforza, Beatrice and others. Among them are more than one genuine virago, and in several cases natural gifts are supplemented by great humanistic culture. (See below, chap. 3 and part v.)
293
Franco Sacchetti, in his ‘Capitolo’ (Rime, publ. dal Poggiali, p. 56), enumerates about 1390 the names of over a hundred distinguished people in the ruling parties who had died within his memory. However many mediocrities there
Baluz. 