a vague construct. As the authors have repeatedly experienced in their research, when asked what the meaning of their lives might be, people may be embarrassed, answer with a blank expression on their faces, or ask what is meant by ‘meaning’. This ambiguity is clearly apparent in the philosophical and social science literature. Some authors define life meaning mystically as pertaining to one’s relationship with God, or with one’s soul, or both; others relate it to creativity and the benefit this has to other people. At the same time, there is no consensus regarding whether the meaning in life is subjective (experiential) or objective (has observable characteristics beyond individual experiences), or both.
General propositions
McNamee (2007) defines life meaning concisely as ‘a sense that a person has that life is worth living’ (p. 1 of 15). Many other scholars consider meaning to be a much more complex phenomenon which emerges out of an individual’s total experience through ‘the interaction of subjects, objects, elements or situations’ (Peterson, 2000, p. 1 of 24). This experience has a narrative: it consists of preceding actions (either on the part of the person who is experiencing or other people or environmental elements around the individual), and is followed by consequences. In this sense, meaning is existential since it comes out of choices, actions, and consequences; it is phenomenological, since it relies on the individual interpretation of events; and according to Frankl (1969), it depends on concrete actions geared towards fulfilling a specific mission in life, making it experiential.
As the existential aspect of meaning ‘relies on definitions of truth manifested in action and then tested by the consequences of such action,’ (Peterson, 2000, p. 1 of 24) it is also motivational in the sense that it relates to practical needs. The search for food, shelter, warmth, and security is existentially meaningful since it pertains to a person’s need to construct and destroy things, rejuvenate the being, and inhabit the world; growing food, burning fuel, and building dwellings as part of the strategy for survival. This relationship between survival (an existential need) and meaning is reflected even in childhood play. Winnicott (1971) suggested that play (as a concrete action) is naturally connected to reality in the sense that it fulfills a natural need arising from the process of human development. The playful interaction between a child and her mother engenders a process of primary socialization. The child develops a bond with the mother and comes to realize that she is not alone in the world. The child begins to appreciate boundaries to her existence. Developing an awareness of the environment enables the child to develop increasingly subtle ways of communicating with her mother. A key stage of this development is the ability to symbolize the continuity of the mother’s presence in order for the child to feel secure. When the mother is temporarily absent the child has to understand that she will return to nurture her and that her continued existence is not in jeopardy. This recognition makes further exploration of the environment possible enhancing the possibility of encountering more meaningful experiences. Thus the child’s sense of meaning is derived from the assurance of continued existential survival.
Peterson (2000) and Frankl (1992) suggested that meaningfulness is associated existentially with goal setting, or with worthwhile goals towards which to aspire. Goal setting is based on knowledge of the objective world and its challenges, and the evaluation of previous actions to achieve articulated goals geared towards meeting them. One of the occupational therapy approaches to goal setting developed by du Toit (2009) consisted of a stepped understanding of recovery. Recovery was conceptualized to progress from a positive ‘tone’ (du Toit, 2009, p. 23) indicating the undeveloped potential for action, through to stages of increasing participation. In her work, Du Toit (who was partly informed by Frankl’s ideas) was concerned with the idea of ‘creative ability’ (2009, p. 22) and a spiralling capacity and potential which increased with experience and the ability to anticipate the pleasure that could result from taking up opportunities for engagement. A key component of this idea was the relationship between volition, motivated by setting goals which were just within the capacity of the recovering individual, and performance. The goals would not be motivational if they could not be realised. Ikiugu (2005) and Ikiugu and Rosso (2005) describe such goals as occupational life trajectory attractors because they provide meaning to, and therefore organize, patterns of performance as individuals interact with and act within the environment. For example, if a person wants to become a doctor then it is probable that he or she will prefer to engage in the kinds of actions that are consistent with the achievement of this goal, such as studying, volunteering in appropriate tasks, looking for opportunities at careers fairs to find out details about suitable university courses, etc. (Ikiugu, 2005).
Ikiugu (2005), and Ikiugu and Rosso (2005) suggest that this occupational pattern forms a trajectory for an individual’s life or what du Toit (2009) might refer to as a person’s developing creative ability over time. This suggests that meaning can be defined as a phenomenon that arises out of the creativity in a person’s activities over a given period in his or her life. For example, a span of time during which a person may be seeking voluntary work and exploring different university courses could later be understood by the person as ‘the time when I was deciding to become a doctor’. Thus, action, creativity, and meaning may be perceived to be intertwined. Frankl (1992) argued that an ultimate embodiment of meaning would be the act of doing something as an expression of an individual’s love or need for another person or a thing. Ideally, the experience of successful doing enables a person to visualize goals and to plan actions towards complex outcomes. Actions which may be most meaningful may fulfill a need to express love for another person or a concept – perhaps a principle or an institution. Ultimately a combination of actions may constitute an expression of hope for a future that structures one’s life trajectory (Ikiugu, 2005; Ikiugu & Rosso, 2005), and the vision of this future may be best articulated in a worthwhile mission in life (Frankl, 1997; Krasko, 1997, see also Ikiugu, 2011, 2008, 2007, 2004a, 2004b, 2004c). More discussion of this notion can be found in chapter 6.
This does not suggest that people have to be anxious about whether or not their actions always contribute optimally towards worthwhile life goals. Most everyday human actions are not connected to the fulfillment of ideals or to the creation of a desired legacy. In a complex world it is difficult to make predictions about the outcomes of performance. Sometimes, as Kazez (2007) suggests, the best we can hope for as we engage in our daily tasks in life is to be just ‘good enough’. She points out that ‘our lives would seem far less interesting if it were really possible to approach them with an instruction manual’ (pp. 157-158). This is the case even in important roles such as that of being parents, who, Winnicott (1971) thought, had to be just ‘good enough’. Part of human socialization involves realizing that we are probably capable of determining what actions to take to achieve important goals in life, without becoming anxious or obsessive about it.
The literature reviewed for this chapter suggests that meaning is composed of more than worthwhile goals or a mission in life. It also has a function of giving one an experience of coherence and continuity, order, inner harmony, value, and the ability to make choices and to act (Dwyer, Nordenfelt, & Ternestdt, 2008; Fleer, Hoekstra, Sleijfer et al., 2006; Jim & Andersen, 2007; Thompson, 2007). The perception of coherence as a source of meaning includes being aware of reminiscence, through which people use their past experiences to shape a desired future. People often find value in relating the past to their children and grandchildren, thus satisfying the curiosity of younger generations about earlier times (Vincent, 1981). The activity of describing the past contributes to the future coherence of society by sustaining cultural and spiritual knowledge.
Chodorow (1989, 1978) suggests that the shape and form given to this transmission of cultural and spiritual values may offer differing forms of continuity among the genders – men are encouraged as boys to be independent, while women as girls are encouraged to be interdependent. These differences are reflected in the continuous and unbroken phylogenetic relationships between mothers and their daughters, whereas those between fathers and sons are often disrupted. These different patterns of coherence result in gendered approaches to making sense of the world. Individual affirmation is experienced
