Stem – The Northern Times, 21 October 1988.
10 Samuel Tanya et al. (eds) (1996) ‘ “Bringing Houses to Maokeng”: A Community-Based Approach’, Research Report for Community Agency for Social Enquiry and Maokeng Community Development Trust, July, p. 3.
11 Twala C. and Seekings J (2010) ‘Activist networks and political protest in the Free State, 1983–1990’, in South African Democracy Education Trust (eds) The road to Democracy in South Africa, Volume 4, 1980–1990, Pretoria: Unisa Press, p.767.
12 Tosh, J (1991) The Pursuit of History: Aims, Methods and New Directions in the Study of Modern History. Harrow: Longman, p. 210.
13 Marks, M (2001) Young Warriors: Youth Politics, Identity and Violence in South Africa. Johannesburg: Wits University Press, p.15.
14 Rabe, M (2003) ‘Research Reports: Revisiting “Insiders and Outsiders” as Social Researchers’, in African Sociological Review 7, 2, pp. 149–61.
CHAPTER ONE
Protests before 1976
The time from the early 1950s up to 1963 was one of protest politics in Kroonstad. First, women protested against the extension of passes to include African women. Towards the end of the 1950s, the black residents – seemingly influenced by the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) – protested against the municipality’s oppressive laws.
Before this time (apart from the period when the residents rallied, first behind the Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union [ICU] and later, in the mid-1930s, the Registered and Ratepayers Association), black people in the locations avoided engaging in protests and confrontational politics. The reason for this, and for the intermittent existence of black radical and confrontational politics in Kroonstad, was the restrained approach adopted by the branch of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC, in 1923 renamed the African National Congress) in Kroonstad. The role played by moderate bodies such as the Native Advisory Board (NAB) and the Joint Council of Europeans and Natives (JCEN) helped to contain radical politics in the locations. Most of the residents in the old locations sincerely believed that their continued support for these bodies would yield positive results for them. But it was not to be.
The situation was made worse by the Orange Free State African Teachers Association (OFSATA) and the Society of Young Africa (SOYA). Although these bodies did not shy away from challenging the government and expressing their radical views, they nevertheless were overly cautious about not involving themselves in protest action. It did not help that their memberships, especially OFSATA’s, were composed of teachers, the educated elite, who would rather discuss and negotiate matters of concern with the relevant authorities than protest. To compound the situation, after the introduction of Bantu Education in 1953 it became illegal for any teacher to publicly oppose the government. SOYA, more so than OFSATA, did not subscribe to confrontational politics but believed in generating ideas to oppose the government. In her autobiography, Phyllis Ntantala noted that SOYA’s slogan was ‘We fight ideas with ideas’.1
Establishment of Kroonstad and the formation of black locations
In March 1855, The Friend, a regional newspaper in the Orange Free State (OFS), reported a sale of erven (land) in the village of Klip Plaat Drift, Valsch River, in the district of Windburg. Joseph Orpen, the landdros (magistrate) of Windburg and the government land surveyor, later named this place Kroonstad. In her book commissioned to document the 130th anniversary of Kroonstad, Dot Serfontein claims that although the first inhabitants were whites, by the 1880s natives had also begun to settle in the area. Drawing from oral tradition, Tsiu Vincent Matsepe noted that the Thlapane family, from his maternal side, were among the first African families to settle in Kroonstad. Others included the Maraba, M’Baco, Nothibi, Bukes, Buffel and Mareka families. Initially, these families lived in what is today the town centre, between the river and the old jail,where they had established a settlement called ‘A’ Location. However, after numerous complaints by whites living in the same area about interracial relationships between white men and black women, and the spread of influenza, the Kroonstad Town Council had, by 1925, decided to resettle all the black people to the north of the town, in their own locations.2
There is no evidence to suggest that the removals incited protest among the black residents – but this was not peculiar to Kroonstad. As far back as 1905, when black people were being removed from what the white authorities perceived as inner-city slums in Johannesburg to their own areas on the outskirts of the city, black people did not protest.3 Although the residents of Kroonstad’s old ‘A’ Location ‘objected to the small premises, transfer costs and visitors’ permits to be issued in the new location’,4 they finally moved, and undoubtedly the absence of a radical political body to rally them against the removals made it easier for the council to implement its plan.
On arrival in their new premises they built their houses and called their settlement ‘A’ Location. It was still within walking distance to town, so the residents did not incur the extra costs of travelling there. Jonah Moeng Setiloane, who was born in 1920 in Kroonstad, recalls that ‘A’ Location was made up of a mixture of Basotho and coloured people. Over the years the population grew and another location was built; it was called ‘B’ Location (also known by collective memory as Marabastad after Jan Maraba, one of the first to settle in Kroonstad). As did ‘A’ Location, this location accommodated Basotho and coloureds, but also isiXhosa-speaking and Setswana-speaking groups. Hilda Mantho Motadinyane, who was born in 1927 in that location, recalls that her father came from Ga-Motlatla, Ventersdorp, and her mother from Serowe in Botswana. The majority of black people who had landed up in Kroonstad were in search of employment (William Setiloane, Jonah’s father, who had moved from Allanridge, about eighty kilometres from Kroonstad, was employed by the railway). Most people, both black and white, were pushed off the farms to the towns by ‘low incomes and low profit margins; high land prices and high rates of crop and stock failure; falling prices and slow turnovers ...’5
In the early 1930s another settlement, ‘D’ Location, was built to accommodate black people who were drifting in from the surrounding farms. In his book The History of Black Education in Maokeng, Kroonstad, Jonah Setiloane described this area as a settlement of people who were not originally inhabitants of Kroonstad. ‘Most of them,’ he writes, ‘were squatters who settled here in search of employment. They originated from the neighbouring farming districts.’6 According to the historians Philip Bonner and Noor Nieftagodien, the majority of black people left the farms because of the drought which had begun after 1927 and reached its peak in 1932–34.7 Because of it many farmers abandoned their farms, and those who remained laid off black labour tenants in their thousands. Many of the tenants left the land and headed for the towns. Kroonstad received its fair share of the new arrivals.
In most cases the new arrivals, particularly those who lacked money – or cattle to sell for money – could not build their own houses. Some of these people did not intend to settle in Kroonstad permanently and found accommodation as tenants in the yards of stand-owners in the locations. Phyllis Ntantala, who arrived in Kroonstad in 1937 to take up a teaching post at the Bantu United School, first boarded with Mrs Monyake in ‘B’ Location, and later moved in with Mr and Mrs Binda in ‘D’ Location. Leboseng Violet Selele, who was born in 1933 in ‘A’ Location, remembered in an interview that her father, John Mphikeleli Maseko, who had businesses in the location, also rented out accommodation to tenants: ‘Our house was number 185 ‘A’ Location ... We had a very big yard, so we had many people renting rooms in our yard.’ When ‘model’ townships were established in the 1950s, tenants and older children of the stand-owners were among the first to move into the new houses.
Perhaps the most distinguished arrivals in Kroonstad’s black locations were teachers. As in many places across the country where
