fought within the pages of competing papers, spoke to the stakes at hand in enhancing one’s power and prestige within the colony.74 The rivalries became so heated that certain newspaper owners openly accused one another of fraud and embezzlement within the pages of major papers.75 In 1917, George La Piana sarcastically chided newspaper owners for the continual rancor that accompanied their publications. He noted how each owner proclaims the other “a bunch of thiefs [sic], that they escaped from an Italian prison which was the college where they received their education, that their sense of honor is below that of the animals, that their heads are empty boxes where can be written ‘nobody home’ and so on.”76 Some mainstream newspaper editors, such as Alberto Pecorini, lashed out at prominenti for intentionally failing to provide adequate information to foster Italian naturalization and adaptation. For Pecorini, prominenti simply preyed upon immigrants to advance their own power and prestige. Writing in the journal the Forum in 1911, he advised Italians to become American citizens and “take away the direction of their interests from the dealers in votes.” The debate reflected divergent strategies over how Italian immigrants should assimilate into American society. Pecorini believed Barsotti’s self-aggrandizing focus on the feats and accomplishments of the Italian race only served to strengthen prominenti influence within the community, further isolate immigrants in ethnic enclaves, and dangerously delay American acceptance of Italians. The New York Times agreed with Pecorini’s assessment and stressed, “We do not want foreigners in this country who are taught not to adopt American customs and ways, who do not come here for permanent settlement and citizenship.”77
Another way to measure the influence of prominenti-run newspapers within Italian colonies is to look at the vitriolic diatribes emanating from the Italian radical press. Socialists and anarchists dedicated considerable space in their publications to some of their most loathsome attacks against prominenti, who along with Catholic priests were defined as a two-headed oppressor intent on increasing their personal power at the expense of Italian immigrants. To radicals, Barsotti’s and Il Progresso’s message translated into antiworker, antiunion, and pro-capitalist. The frustration radicals demonstrated over working-class acquiescence, and in some ways deference to prominenti within the community, underscored the impact and influence of these men upon the colony.78 However, imperceptible to Pecorini, and even Barsotti and Frugone at the time, was how the Italian mainstream press’s defense of Italians and Italian civilization would prove critical to establishing a collective identity as Italians. Rather than retard immigrant acculturation, uplifting the race afforded Italians a platform from which to proudly argue for their full inclusion in American society as Italian, American, and white.
As Todd Vogel states with respect to the African American press, “A periodical analyzed as a cultural production creates an ideal stage for examining society…. In this way, the press gives us the chance to see writers forming and reforming ideologies, creating and recreating a public sphere, and staging and restaging race itself.”79 During mass immigration, Italian language newspapers emerged out of necessity to fill a crucial void in the lives of an ever-increasing stream of settlers. Whether reporting on events in Italy, organizing subscription drives for Italian earthquake victims or memorials to Italian heroes, publishing employment advertisements, or providing information about labor organizations, the Italian language press catered to its consumers and offered a life preserver for many Italians grasping for normalcy in their new environment. According to Robert Park, along with city life, mainstream newspapers such as Il Progresso served to break down the “local and provincial loyalties with which immigrants arrived, and substituted a less intense but more national loyalty in its place.”80 Implicit in this process, Park stressed, was the importance of the press in fostering, or creating, a hybrid identity, “neither American nor foreign, but a combination of both.”81 Italian language newspapers played a pivotal role in this process by forging an unique class- and race-based identity centered upon an exalted civilization rooted in an Italian past wiped clean of sectional discord and questionable racial and color status.
2
The Italian Language Press and Africa
A day after the brutal lynching of eleven Italian immigrants in New Orleans in 1891, Il Progresso Italo-Americano published a letter on its front page written by an Italian American named Marchese. Marchese expressed outrage over the cruel work of the mob in New Orleans and added that his hometown of Springfield, Massachusetts, commiserated with the victims. Moreover, he expressed particular shock over how this could happen in a “civilized” nation such as America. Echoing a sentiment that prevailed throughout the Italian American press, Marchese concluded that the barbaric act of lynching might be expected in Africa tenebrosa (dark, murky Africa) but not in the United States.1 In a letter to Cristofero Colombo, another New York Italian American daily, Alberto Dini went one step further by maintaining that “not even the savage population of Central Africa would approve of such a disgraceful action.”2 According to a cynical Italian American press, the line between African “savagery” and American “civilization” became blurred: “But where are we? The only difference now between the free sons of America and the savages of Africa is that Americans have yet to become flesh eating cannibals.”3 In a scathing indictment of American lawlessness, African “savagery” was held as the standard against which to judge American society. In response to Dini’s letter, the Cristofero Colombo asserted, “At least cannibals respect the laws of primitive tribal justice so that a massacre like this would have been avoided.”4
Marchese’s and Dini’s letters reflect not only the vicissitudes of Italian immigrant topographies of race, color, and civilization in late nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century U.S. society but also a transnational racial awareness. These immigrants had seen parallel issues in their homeland. Coming out of Italian unification in 1860, Italians wrestled with the task of constructing a unique Italian identity from the fractious provincial and regional identities that had characterized Italy’s history. Compared with its European neighbors, Italy suffered from high illiteracy rates, low educational achievement, infrastructure problems, and low political participation that rendered the task of nation building rather bleak. However, using the state and the military as the means through which to consolidate power, Italy’s bourgeoisie—held together by a common language and literature—used the language of patriotism to mold a nationalistic history connecting postunification Italy to a distant past. According to John Dickie, the proliferation of racial stereotypes related to the problem of the Mezzogiorno (Italian South) must be viewed within the context of upper-class and elite Italian anxiety over the probability of creating a successful nation-state after unification.5 Indeed, a critical theme informing nationalistic and patriotic attitudes disseminating within Italy’s elite classes revolved around the emerging concept of the South as a region marked by backwardness and criminality, savagery and darkness. Fused with these perceptions was the Mezzogiorno’s negative connection to Africa, especially central Africa, as the ultimate image of darkness and savagery. One of the many factors creating “imagined communities,” to borrow Benedict Anderson’s phrase, is positing a normative value to one’s version of nation by employing definitions of what it is not. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, imagined constructions of Italian identity and Italian nationhood emerged simultaneously with alternate constructions of a backward, criminal, and African South.6
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