members continued to read — with the exception of Foreign Minister Gorchakov. The Tsar’s most influential minister sat back in his chair, his large stomach touching the table’s edge. His face was upturned toward the carved and figured ceiling. He had gazed at it unseeingly countless times during interminable conferences and meetings over the past two decades of his power at the left hand of the Tsar. Gorchakov’s ever-present pince-nez was clamped to the broad bridge of his bulbous nose. That was the predominant feature of a round, pink, flat and heavily jowled face made further unattractive by a pate bald except for a few feathery wisps of grey hair.
In his mid-sixties, Gorchakov was gross of body, brilliant of mind, and weary of the heavy burdens of his office, the never-ending dealings in battles and wars, diplomacy, and the petty politics of the court.
The document the rest were looking at was Prince Gorchakov’s analysis of the Russian America territorial problem, the Russian American Company debacle, and the presentation of his solutions.
When the Tsar finished reading he turned to his brother, asking: “Well, what does His Imperial Highness think?” The brothers never called each other by name in the presence of non-family members.
The Grand Duke Constantine, as was his wont, stroked his greying brown beard and ran a finger across his moustache — a sign that he was giving serious thought to the question. With his pale blue eyes and straight, grey-flecked brown hair he looked remarkably like his older sibling, Alexander.
Constantine tapped the document he had just read. “I cannot fault Minister Gorchakov’s line of reasoning, which is the usual position I find myself in with regard to his advice.” He smiled across the table at the trusted Foreign Minister. “Let me say, Your Majesty, that as I have striven to rebuild your navy —”
“With astonishing accomplishment and success,” the Tsar broke in.
The Grand Duke modestly dropped his eyes for a moment and gave a slight nod of acknowledgement. “Your Majesty is most kind. In rebuilding the navy and having sailed to every one of your Pacific ports and those in the Sea of Okhotsk, I have become most anxious that all effort be made to concentrate on strengthening our forces in those areas, so far distant from St. Petersburg. I think, Your Majesty, that you should bend every effort, do everything possible, to devote the entire solicitude of your government to your possessions there and on the Amur River. These possessions form an integral part of the Empire and in every aspect offer more resources than the northern coasts of our American possessions and are readily accessible by land, whereas Russian America can be reached only by hazardous crossings of the North Pacific.”
Gorchakov’s huge head bobbed in silent agreement as Constantine continued. “Not only are our American territories inconveniently distant from the mother country, they have no real trade or resource importance for Russia — at least not in these times when the furs taken there have so diminished and where our trade has been so curtailed by events.”
The Grand Duke’s eyes moved to those across the table to look for signs of approbation. He certainly knew where Gorchakov stood. And de Reutern, the financial expert, could not help but follow in his logic. As for Krabbe, he might react negatively to his next statement.
“As I say, the necessity to defend Russian America against the Americans — or the British — will continue to be difficult as it is expensive. Perhaps nearly impossible is a better description than difficult.”
He could see Vice Admiral Krabbe shifting uncomfortably. Constantine went on. “As you are aware, Your Majesty, the affairs of the Russian American Company, particularly in regard to control, discipline, and administration at Sitka, became so inadequate that it was necessary to install a naval captain as governor. He has had to be supported by a substantial group of naval personnel and ships and stores that, because of urgent commitments and requirements on the direct coastal perimeters of the Motherland, we can ill afford.”
Constantine looked at Krabbe, whose eyes immediately turned away. After all, what Constantine was proposing would amount to a diminution of the role and power of the navy, even though that lessening was being proposed by the very man who had restored the Imperial navy to the strength and stature that it had achieved more than a century before under Peter the Great.
“Therefore, Your Majesty, the grounds that I proffer — the near-impossibility of defending your American possessions and the cost of sustaining and maintaining the now bankrupt company — on these grounds I consider it urgent that you cede your American territories to the United States … that is to say, sell …”
“If you recommend that we sell to the United States, why not offer to the British as well?” the Tsar asked.
The only minister at the table who had the stature to intervene without being first invited by either the Tsar or his brother did so.
Gorchakov said, “If I may be permitted, Your Majesty, there is no doubt that, from a business point of view, when an object is offered for sale the best price will be received when there are two bidders therefore. So it might indeed be better to offer your American possessions to both the United States and Great Britain. Certainly the British would be prepared to pay handsomely for much the same reason that would motivate our American friends. It is the natural need for territorial expansion of one’s boundaries, particularly so if one can do so by negotiation and purchase rather than by war.”
Gorchakov paused and looked around the table. Satisfied that he had everyone’s attention, he continued. “The colony of British Columbia needs to be supported by the government of her Britannic Majesty. Your American possessions lie immediately to the north of that colony, so it would be a perfectly natural acquisition that would strengthen the colony and in particular the Hudson’s Bay Company. You will recall, Your Majesty, that we were able to negotiate a treaty with Britain that grants the Hudson’s Bay Company the right of passage to the Pacific on rivers that flow from British North America — the border between your lands and the British being some twenty miles inland from the coast.”
The Foreign Minster adjusted his pince-nez. “For that matter, the treaty grants all British vessels the free right of access and transit on those rivers and streams between their possessions and the Pacific. This was all in consideration of the British recognition of the neutrality of your American possessions during the war between us and the British.”
“Quite so,” the Tsar acknowledged. “And what about the intelligence you mentioned to me the other day about the British colonies in the eastern part of the continent negotiating for the right to have their own parliament?”
“Our information is that the political heads of the various British colonies in North America are negotiating in London with my counterpart, the British Foreign Secretary, and with the Colonial Secretary, for legislation that would unify all the eastern colonies into one under a federated form of government. The intent is that the sovereignty of the British Crown in North America will be solidified ultimately from the Atlantic to the Pacific and thus would eventually embrace British Columbia and Vancouver Island.”
“And if that is so,” the Tsar observed, “it follows that the British and … what is it they call themselves?”
“I’m not sure, Your Majesty.” Gorchakov turned and looked down the table. “De Stoeckl?”
“They call themselves Canadians. What the new federation will be called remains to be seen.”
Alexander was satisfied. “So the British and their colonials in America as well as the prosperous Hudson’s Bay Company will be most anxious, to say the least, to purchase from us.”
Constantine responded. “Oh, but Your
