The State of the World Atlas [ff]. Dan Smith

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people in poorer countries conditions were also improving a little.

      Much of that was destabilized by the third great change of the recent era,

      as unsustainable patterns of lending and borrowing fed a shattering credit

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      crunch in 2007 and 2008, triggering recession and a financial catastrophe

      whose full effects had not played out some four or five years later.

      If we look back over those 20 years, we can see how quickly confidence about

      the future can be generated and then lost. We need something rather better

      than that moodiness, something more stable and persistent, if we are going

      to be successful in facing up to the five big challenges we face as a global

      community: wealth and poverty, war and peace, rights and respect, and the

      health both of the people and of the planet.

      WEALTH & POVERTY

      The world is marked by large inequalities of wealth. Multiple further

      inequalities flow from that starting point – dramatically different degrees

      of access to education, health care, good food, clean water, sanitation,

      reasonable housing. Though the proportion of the world’s population that

      lives in the extreme poverty of less than $1 a day is declining, progress is slow

      and more than one-third of all people live on less than $2 a day. The benefits

      of economic growth are not being distributed evenly or anything like it, and

      at the same time the model of economic development is environmentally

      unsustainable.

      At the start of the century, world leaders undertook to make a major new

      effort to help developing countries move forward. In the confident spirit of

      that time, more money was committed and targets were set with a fixed date

      of 2015. These Millennium Development Goals have guided Western countries’

      official development assistance ever since. In the much less confident spirit in

      which these donor governments are working a decade on, still reeling from

      the economic aftershocks of 2008, it is clear that there has been progress

      but the targets will not be met. And some of the most significant economic

      development and alleviation of poverty in the last decade seems to have

      owed very little, if anything, to the Millennium Development Goals.

      Above all, on the economic front, the events of 2008 and since have

      generated a growing realization of another axis of change. For a long

      time it has been recognized that the economic output of China and India

      was growing much more quickly than that of Europe and the USA. China’s

      eventual assumption of the position as the world’s largest economy – and

      India’s as the third largest, with the USA staying second – has been long

      anticipated. Whether that makes them in a meaningful sense two of the

      three wealthiest countries is another matter, because their output per person

      remains much lower than in the USA and Europe. There is, nonetheless, a

      distinct political weight that comes with economic size. And the effect has

      been emphasized because, while the USA’s recovery from 2008 has been

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      halting and uncertain, Europe has faced a serial crisis and renewed recessions.

      The contrast with China has only served to emphasize its rise. The European

      Union’s combined economic scale remains huge; it is the largest single market

      in the world. But the combined political weight of its member states, which

      has always seemed less than the sum of its parts, has diminished because of

      the political leaders’ seeming inability to find a solution to Europe’s problems

      that retains credibility for more than a few months.

      WAR & PEACE

      This is not a peaceful world, and yet it is more peaceful today than at

      any time since before the First World War and, some argue, ever. Military

      spending remains high, and armed conflict remains a major cause of death,

      yet by comparison with earlier times, there are markedly fewer wars and they

      are less lethal. There has been an avalanche of peace agreements in the two

      decades since the end of the Cold War, and a major, sustained if quiet effort

      not only to make peace, but then to lay the foundations for long-term peace

      in conflict-affected countries.

      It would be wrong to look at the issues of war and peace and declare job

      done. In many countries, it is not so much a case of having achieved peace

      as, rather, of bottling up conflict. Indeed, declaring job done prematurely is

      a repeated failing of the Western governments who often offer themselves

      as custodians of peace processes in war-torn countries. In many countries,

      there are patterns of violent conflict that are from a different mould than

      civil wars. They are generated by, and reinforce, a dangerous intersection

      between crime and politics, and in several cases they revolve around the

      trade in illegal narcotics or other illegal and massively profitable enterprises.

      The main international institutions on which we rely for responding to armed

      conflicts are strikingly ill-prepared for this kind of violent conflict. A high

      United

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