(1991) defines alien-self disorder as a mental condition manifested in behaviors that represent a rejection of people’s natural selves and threaten their own well-being, becoming alien to themselves. Similarly, Landrum-Brown (1990) argues that racism can lead to a denial of Blackness and/or African heritage. Moreover, when African American men internalize the same negative views of themselves as White Americans have about Black men, it can influence how they think about and interact with other Black people. When this happens, for example, a Black person may find it difficult to see beauty in their own bodies and other Black people’s bodies, especially those parts that have been most stigmatized by Whites, such as their noses, skin tone, lips, and hair (West, 2006). Such individuals are at risk of engaging in harmful reactive coping methods such as changing their physical features (Hammond, Agyemang, Neblett, & Seaton, 2014).
Due to Whites’ discrimination based on skin color, some African Americans have used skin color differences to establish social hierarchies and distinguish themselves from other African Americans. Over time, some lighter-skinned Blacks began to exclude dark-skinned Blacks from their social circles. For example, in the 20th century, some Black people used methods such as paper bag tests (excluding individuals with skin darker than a paper bag) or comb tests (excluding those with hair that a comb could not pass through easily), and establishing blue-vein societies (excluding those whose veins could not be seen through their skin). Continuing the social separation between light-skinned and dark-skinned Blacks, some light-skinned Blacks avoided marriage and socialization with dark-skinned Blacks. In fact, colorism in the U.S. has been so ingrained that it has contributed to contemporary socioeconomic differences (Uzogara et al., 2014).
However, there are advantages and disadvantages to skin complexion depending on context. For example, some research suggests that among African American males, dark skin males represent an alpha-male ideal, associated with characteristics such as strength, virility, confidence, and physical attractiveness (Hall, 1995). However, dark skin is also associated more closely with being labeled as a dangerous “bad boy.” Black males with dark skin complexions report more experiences with racism, they receive longer prison sentences than lighter-skinned counterparts for similar crimes, they experience more job discrimination, and they receive lower wages than Black men with lighter complexions (Blair et al., 2004; Goldsmith, 2006; Kirschenman & Neckerman, 1991; Wade, 1996).
Blacks may engage in more colorism in all-Black settings because they are more likely to distinguish themselves from one another in these contexts (Harvey, LaBeach, Pridgen, & Gocial, 2005). Whereas, in interracial contexts, they are more likely to distinguish themselves from non-Whites, and less likely to engage in colorism. Blacks with medium or brown skin tones are protected from in-group skin-tone discrimination relative to both dark- and light-skinned Blacks (Oyserman, Brickman, Bybee, & Celious, 2006). Uzogara et al. (2014) investigated skin-tone discrimination among African American males using survey data collected through the National Survey of American Life. They found that dark-skinned African American males experienced the most out-group discrimination (from non-Blacks), ←39 | 40→followed by Black males with medium skin tone. Light-skinned Black males experienced the least out-group skin-tone discrimination. They found that light-skinned Black males experienced the most in-group skin-tone discrimination, while medium skinned Black males experienced the least in-group skin-tone discrimination (Oyserman et al., 2006). Light-skinned Black males get the most favorable treatment from Whites today as was the case during slavery (Oyserman et al., 2006).
Anti-Self Disorder
Akbar (1991) defines anti-self-disorder as a mental condition that includes the characteristics of alien-self disorders with the addition of overt and covert hostility toward other Black people. It is easy for Black people to be hostile toward or undermine other Black people because there are very few consequences compared to those for undermining White privilege. A part of the anti-self-disorder is what Wilson (1991) calls displaced aggression, when Black men are provoked to self-destructive anger by racism. This aggressive energy is sometimes directed toward other Black people in self-destructive ways (i.e., Black-on-Black violence or apathy and withdrawal) instead of at its true sources and causes. Experiences with racial discrimination are also associated with violent risk behaviors. For example, research shows that as adolescent Black males’ experiences with racial discrimination increase, the likelihood of them engaging in violent behavior increases (Hammond, Agyemang, et al., 2014). Hammond, Agyemang, et al. (2014) argue that experiencing racism increases risk-taking behavior as a coping mechanism; racism threatens core aspects of traditional masculinity by lowering Black males’ sense of agency and control. Similarly, microaggressions can lead to feelings of isolation and loss of control (Evans, Hemmings, Burkhalter, & Lacy, 2016). The authors theorize that Black males try to recuperate that threatened masculinity by engaging in risk behaviors, including but not limited to violence.
Ego-defense Orientation
The need to constantly protect against the negative effects of racism stimulates African Americans to develop and use ego-defense mechanisms including the unconscious effort to defend against racial anxiety through self-deception, distorting, and denying reality (i.e., embracing the notion that society is post-racial) (Wilson, 1991). Surviving in a racist environment requires a great deal of awareness. When a Black male experiences racism, it is just one of a collection of experiences, not usually single event. Moreover, one experience with racism triggers memories of others (White & Cones, 1999). Repeatedly reliving racist experiences can take a toll and keep one hypervigilant of racism. Among African Americans, the ability to detect subtle racial slights is considered a kind of sixth sense (Franklin & Boyd-Franklin, 2000). Black men are forced to maintain this vigilance due to the prevalence of racism and its intrapsychic consequences. However, some males attempt to avoid awareness of racism through a variety of ego-defense mechanisms. Avoidance may come in the form of denial of the existence of racism or claims of being unaffected by it.
Similarly, Landrum-Brown (1990) argues that racism can lead to a denial of the political significance of race and racism. Azibo (2014) calls it a nepenthe defense mechanism disorder, in which some Black people respond to racial terrorism by being forgetful or oblivious to racism to protect themselves from the associated pain and suffering. Spielberg’s (2014a) research explores a mechanism that some Black males use to cope with racism called trying not to know. Different from the popular belief that Black males see racism in every interaction with Whites, Spielberg notes the Black males he interviewed about racism in their lives actually went out of their way to avoid seeing race on individual, institutional, and cultural levels. According to Spielberg, they try to avoid the emotional pain attached to racially charged experiences by ignoring them until the impact is so overwhelming they can’t ignore them any longer. Spielberg’s research found that young Black males who were in most denial about racism were the least academically successful, while those who indicated an awareness of racism and had ways to cope with it were more academically successful and had more psychological well-being. ←40 | 41→However, awareness of racism alone is not enough. Some Black males avoid conversations about racism because these conversations are mostly unaccompanied by ideas about addressing it and are thus demoralizing if not defeatist (Pierce & Profit, 1994). Some attempt to avoid the trauma of racism by avoiding knowledge or awareness of present or historic abuses (Williams-Washington, 2010). Denial of racism or silence about racism can also be a misguided method of avoiding conflict to protect one’s self from the negative emotional consequences of racism. The act of trying to ignore racism may feel like a viable strategy for protection against its impacts. But it makes things worse by requiring a constant denial of one’s own truth. Attempting to avoid knowledge of racism can leave Black men more vulnerable to historic trauma and subjugation (Williams-Washington, 2010).
Compensatory Striving Through Assimilation and Self-Reduction
According to Wilson (1991), some Black men react to feelings of inadequacy due to racism by disguising, denying or counterbalancing these feelings through intensely striving for social acceptance and identification with their oppressors or those with power. This is similar to the alien-self disorder described previously. This state may also manifest as
