Japan's Total Empire. Louise Young
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Collectively, these chapters describe the efforts of rich and poor, of officials and private citizens, of urban and rural residents to build an empire in Manchukuo. Although this is overwhelmingly a domestic story, it begins in the empire itself. It was international pressures that drove Kwan-tung Army conspirators to undertake the Manchurian Incident in 1931, and it was in the arena of foreign policy that the event demarcated the sharpest break with the past.
1. Dated, but still useful historiographical essays dealing with the debate over Japanese military expansionism are Waldo H. Heinrichs, Jr., “1931–1937,” and Louis Morton, “1937–1941,” both in Ernest R. May and James C. Thomson, Jr., eds., American-East Asian Relations: A Survey (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972), pp. 243–290. The key works on the military history of the Manchurian Incident in English include: Robert J. C. Butow, Tojo and the Coming of the War (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1961), pp. 28–47; Alvin D. Coox, “The Kwantung Army Dimension,” in Peter Duus, Ramon H. Myers, and Mark R. Peat-tie, eds., The Japanese Informal Empire in China, 1895–1937 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 395–428; James B. Crowley, japan's Quest for Autonomy: National Security and Foreign Policy, 1930–1938 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966), pp. 82–186; Sadako N. Ogata, Defiance in Manchuria: The Making of Japanese Foreign Policy, 1931–1932 (1964; reprint, Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1984); Mark R. Peattie, Ishiwara Kanji and Japan's Confrontation with the West (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975), pp. 87–181; and Takehiko Yoshihashi, Conspiracy at Mukden: The Rise of the Japanese Military (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1963). For analysis of the Japanese debate that divides scholarly linterpretations into Marxist and non-Marxist camps, see Hatano Sumio, “Japanese Foreign Policy, 1931–1945: Historiography,' in Sadao Asada, ed., japan and the World, 1853–1952: A Bibliographic Guide to Japanese Scholarship in Foreign Relations (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), pp. 217–240. The Japanese literature on the subject is voluminous, but successive revisions of the Marxist interpretation of the Manchurian Incident can be traced in Rekishigaku kenky
kai, ed., Mansh jihen, vol. 1 of Taiheiy sensshi (Aoki shoten, 1971); Fujiwara Akira and Imai Seiichi, eds., Mansh jihen, vol. 1 of Jgonen sensshi (Aoki shoten, 1988); and Eguchi Keiichi, Jugnen sens no kaimaku, vol. 4 of Shwa no rekishi (Shgakkan, 1988). The non-Marxist interpretation is represented by the first of the seven-volume series, Taiheiy sens e no michi: kaisen gaikoshi, translated into English under James William Morley, ed., japan Erupts: The London Naval Conference and the Manchurian Incident, 1928–1932 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984); and Inoue Mitsusada et al., eds., Kindai 2, vol. 5 of Nikon rekishi taikei (Yarnakawa shuppansha, 1989).2. For the “doomed experiment” interpretation, see Michael A. Barnhart, Japan Prepares for Total War: The Search for Economic Security, 1919–1941 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987), pp. 22–49, 64–114. For the “bold innovation” thesis, see Chalmers Johnson, MITI and the Japanese Miracle: The Growth of Industrial Policy, 1925–1975 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1982), pp. 116–156, esp. pp. 124–136. Discussions of the Manchurian economy in English include W. G. Beasley, Japanese Imperialism 1894–1945 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), pp, 175–197; Kang Chao, The Economic Development of Manchuria: The Rise of a Frontier Economy, Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, no. 43 (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, 1982); F. C. Jones, Manchuria since 1931 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1949), pp. 100–220; Ramon H. Myers, The Japanese Economic Development of Manchuria, 1932 to 1945 (New York: Garland, 1982); Na-kagane Katsuji, “Manchukuo and Economic Development,” in Peter Duus, Ramon H. Myers, and Mark R. Peattie, eds., The Japanese Informal Empire in China, 1895–1937 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 133–158; Ann Rasmussen Kinney, Japanese Investment in Manchurian Manufacturing, Mining, Transportation, and Communications, 1931–1945 (New York: Garland, 1982); and Kungtu C. Sun, The Economic Development of Manchuria in the First Half of the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1973), pp. 75–102. In Japanese see Asada Ky
shi kenkykai, ed., Nihon teikokushugika no Manshii (Ochanomizu shob, 1972), pp. 1–211; and Okabe Makio, Mansh, 1978), pp. 75–146.3. Representative of the policy studies critical of Manchurian colonization are the essays in Mansh
iminshi kenkykai, ed., Nihon teikokushugika no Mansh imin (Rykei shosha, 1976). Representative of the colonists' view is Mantakukai, ed., Dokyumento Mansh kaitaku monogatari (Azusa shoten, 1986).4. Carol Gluck, ‘The Idea of Showa,” Daedalus 119, no. 3 (Summer 1990), pp. 12–13.
5. These are the titles of two recent books on World War II that focus on popular support for Japanese expansion in Asia: Takahashi Hikohiro, Minsh no gawa no sens sekinin [The People's War Responsibility] (Aoki shoten, 1989), and Yoshimi Yoshiaki, Kusa no ne no fashizumu: Nihon minsh no sens taiken [Fascism at the Grass Roots: The War Experience of the Japanese People], vol. 7 of Atarashii sekaishi (T
ishiki,” in Eguchi Keiichi, ed., Nihon fash-izurnu no keisei, vol. 1 of Taikei Nihon gendaishi (Nihon hyronsha, 1978), pp. 251–302. Iwanami shoten's recent eight-volume series on Japanese colonialism has expanded on this theme,