bombarded cities, sacrificing women, children, the elderly, and defenseless citizens. We all know the viciousness with which they have assassinated representatives of the workers and campesinos in the communities that they have occupied.” After reinforcing gendered, raced, and aged ideas of victimhood, he identified the vicious assailant as “North American mercenaries.” He explicitly denounced how the opposition used communism as a pretext to avenge “the financial interests of the frutera [United Fruit Company] and . . . other North American monopolies” that were threatened by the Agrarian Reform. Arbenz went on to outline the role of the United States in the invasion and the treason of Castillo Armas, and then he ceded his presidential powers to Colonel Carlos Enrique Díaz of the armed forces. The counterrevolution had won. Supporters of the revolutionary government, including many students, labor organizers, and, famously, Che Guevara, sought refuge in the embassies of Argentina and Mexico until the governments of Juan Perón and Adolfo Ruiz Cortines assured their safe passage. Many San Carlistas, including Luis Cardoza y Aragón, Manuel Colom Argueta, Adolfo Mijangos López, and Francisco Villagrán Kramer, went into exile.40
Like the revolutionaries in 1944, the counterrevolutionaries rewarded their university-based supporters with positions in the government. Some older CEUA students held positions in the presidential secretariat, including the offices of secretary general of the president (Ricardo Quiñonez), private secretary (Carlos Recinos), and secretary of publicity and propaganda (Luis Coronado Lira). Young CEUA leaders Mario Sandoval Alarcón and Lionel Sisniega Otero served in junior positions in the president’s cabinet. Other CEUA students worked in ministries of the Interior, Public Health, and Public Education, and the Foreign Ministry. Jorge Skinner Klee led the Constituent Assembly and José Torón Barrios directed TGW, the national radio station.41
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