descendant of these was the Buddhist monk Dharmarakṣa (fl. mid-third century, Zhu Fahu). It is recorded that he came from a Yuezhi family that had lived for generations in Dunhuang.
11. And, by extension, as a major factor in the start of the Silk Road. See Whitfield (2018b) for further discussion of this.
12. As Holcombe has noted, “Three subjects that mainstream traditional Chinese historians seldom addressed were trade, Buddhism and foreigners” (1999: 285).
13. Shiji, trans. Watson (Sima Qian 1993: 234). The archaeological record suggests the Yuezhi were agro-pastoralists, but the nuances of the lives of different groups of the steppe were not necessarily acknowledged by the historians in China.
14. Ibid.
15. For a discussion of this interaction in relation to the Yuezhi, see Liu (2001).
16. As noted above, Chang et al. (2003) have studied contemporary settlements in southeastern Kazakhstan, supposedly the first stopping point of the Yuezhi, and have found evidence of an agro-pastoralist society.
17. See Michon (2015: 110–51) for a discussion of these.
18. There is considerable discussion about the equivalents of the place-names used by the Chinese. For example, Anxi is linked by some with Parthia and by others with the Parthian kingdom of Gondophares in Gandhāra.
19. Hou Hanshu 88, “Xiyu juan” [Chapter on the Western Regions], trans. Hill (2003).
20. Millward (2007: 15).
21. Christian (1994: 182).
22. “Writing Kusana history is like constructing a giant mosaic. Scholars have pieced together parts of the outer frame and a few internal configurations, but whole areas are still empty” (Rosenfield 2011: 10).
23. Lam (2013: 440).
24. Trainor (1997: 86).
25. By sea as well as land.
26. Holt (1988).
27. Dates for the Kushan and its early rulers are the subject of much debate, as discussed below, so no firm dates are given here.
28. For a recent discussion of the importance of coins for the historian, see Holt (2012), who calls them “the very backbone on which the frame of Central Asian history has been built” (31).
29. This is often asserted, but there is little evidence for these early-periods coins having a legitimizing purpose. Cribb, for example, is skeptical. For a discussion, starting from the coins of the early Yuezhi, see Michon (2015: 110–16). For a more general discussion, see Cribb (2009, esp. 500–503).
30. Michon (2015: 114).
31. Joe Cribb, pers. comm., May 2, 2016. Cribb also states that “the momentum of money is represented through the continuity of design. For money to continue to circulate it has to have some resemblance to pre-existing forms of money” (2009: 498) and that the debate on legitimacy has “obscured for many the primary function of the designs to enable the coin to be issued and used as money” (503).
32. “The copper coinage derived from silver and copper coinages of North India, Pakistan and Afghanistan current in the first century AD” (Bracey 2012: 188). Michon argues that the coins were part of a “process of ‘imaginative remaking’ of who he [Kujula Kadphises] was and who the Kuei-shang [Yuezhi] were” (2015: 130–31). Cribb argues that their diversity was to enable the coins to circulate rather than to assert legitimacy (see note 31).
33. Bracey (2009).
34. Falk (2015: 105–9). He further argues that the Kushan use of devaputra (son of god) to describe themselves was, at least in part, influenced by the use of divi filius on the coins of Augustus (107).
35. For a summary of discussions on this and alternative views, see Bracey (2009) and Falk (2015: 105–9).
36. Bracey (2009).
37. Göbl (1970).
38. Bracey (2012).
39. Bracey (2009).
40. As does Rosenfield, for example, when he writes, “It is difficult to imagine how the Kushans paid for the raw metal” (2009: 21).
41. Pliny the Elder, Natural History 6.26, trans. Bostock (1855).
42. Rosenfield (1967: 21).
43. Falk (2015). Marshall (1951: vol. 2:620) suggested sources in Dardistan and Tibet.
44. For the treasure, see Sarianidi (1985). For the archaeologist’s assertion that this was an early dynastic necropolis of the Kushan, see Sarianidi (1990–92: 103).
45. See S. Peterson (2017: 47–58) for a review of the evidence, including recent studies of the coins.
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