of this is unique to Korea (the Western world has its own traditions of ecclesiastical, military, political, professional, and social titles), but in Korea, as in China, Japan, and other Confucian-oriented Asian societies, the formal use of titles permeates society and is essential to maintaining friendly, even casual, relationships with people.
Social and professional ranking in Korea is acknowledged and demonstrated spatially as well as by title. Every space, from offices and meeting rooms to cars and elevators, has a “head” and a “foot.” The “head” space belongs to the highest-ranking person or people involved, with lower-ranking people positioned in the order of their rank down to the “foot” space. The head space of a room or hall is normally the most distant from the entrance. Therefore, one can assume upon entering a large “community” office in Korea that the people whose desks are nearest the entrance are the lowest-ranking people in the office.
In large-scale companies especially, managers can also be quickly identified by the size and quality of their desks and chairs. As a rule, the larger the desk and the more drawers it has, the higher the rank of the individual who sits there. Top-ranking executives with private offices have filing cabinets as well as many-drawered desks. Chairs without armrests mean ordinary staff members. Chairs with armrests indicate section chiefs. Chairs with armrests plus a high back denote department heads. The desks of ordinary employees are usually arranged classroom style, with the manager’s desk in the front, facing them.
In a car driven by a chauffeur the ranking space is the right rear seat. The second rank is the left rear seat. If there is a third-ranking person, he or she will normally sit in the middle in the backseat or in the right front seat next to the driver. In a car driven by its owner, the ranking seat in the car is the right front seat.
From around 1960 until the early 1990s it became fairly common for people involved in international business to address people with the English titles Mr., Mrs., and Miss, not only because of the international flavor but because these terms were rank neutral and could be used without fear of slighting anyone’s social sensitivities. People who were not involved in international business in any way also picked up on the custom, and it became vogue among some internationally minded young people. But the almost miraculous growth of the Korean economy during those decades was also accompanied by a resurgence of pride in Korean culture and the feeling that using foreign gender and social titles was demeaning, resulting in many people discarding the practice.
There are now signs that the pendulum is once again swinging toward the mixing of foreign and Korean forms of address as people become more secure in their identity. The use of Mr., Mrs., and Miss by foreigners is perfectly acceptable to Koreans in all classes. However, when people have professional titles, it is important that they be used. Foreigners wanting to develop and maintain good relations with Koreans should learn and use both generic social and professional titles so as to be socially correct. Learning and using professional titles is also vital in helping to distinguish among the large number of people who have the same last name. Here are some of the common social titles:
Yobo (yoh-boh), apparently an early Korean equivalent of “hey you,” was originally used by superiors to inferiors, but eventually men began using the term when calling their wives, resulting in foreigners’ translating it as “wife.” In more modern times the word took on a personal, intimate nuance and is commonly used by older husbands and wives when calling each other, in the sense of “dear” or “darling.” Younger Koreans, on the other hand, regard the term as sexist, and among them it is out of fashion.
Paksa (pahk-sah) is the title used for anyone who has a Ph.D. and is used routinely when addressing professors and other professionals. Whether used to address people with doctorates or others, the term has a strong nuance of both respect and flattery. Not using the term to people who have a doctorate degree is likely to be perceived as arrogance and taken as an insult.
Sonsaeng (sohn-sang) means “teacher” and is also used in the sense of “senior” or “someone who is older than me.” It is commonly attached to the names of craftsmen and other specialists as a polite and somewhat flattering form of address. Koreans also often use it in a flattering sense to address foreigners who have some special skill or knowledge, particularly when the Koreans are nurturing a personal relationship with them for whatever purpose. It is not used by itself.
Kun (kuun) is a word used by teachers when addressing male students and also by some Korean managers when addressing younger male staff members in their sections or departments. It is always used in combination with the last name and is the equivalent of the old English use of the word master when addressing young boys.
Titles denoting family relationships are among the most important words in the Korean language. There are several different terms for each relationship, depending on the circumstances. Here are the various terms applying only to grandfathers (although only the first two terms are used commonly today):
Haraboji (hah-rah-boh-jee)—a familiar term for one’s own grandfather; Chobu (choh-buu)—a formal term used when speaking to or about one’s own grandfather; Wangbu (wahng-buu)—used when speaking to others about one’s own grandfather; Songjogo (sohng-joh-go)—used when referring to one’s own deceased grandfather; Chobujang (choh-buu-jahng)—used when speaking about someone else’s grandfather; Wangdaein (wahng-die-een)—same as above but formal; Wangbujang (wahngbuu-jahng)—same as Chobujang but formal; Wangjonjang (wahng-john-jahng)—same as Chobujang but formal; Sonjobujang (sohn-joh-buu-jahng)—used when speaking about someone else’s deceased grandfather; Sonwangdaein (sohn-wahng-die-een)—same as Sonjobujang ; Sonwanggojang (sohn-wahng-goh-jahng)—same as Sonjobujang.
There are six different words for “grandmother,” fifteen for “father,” seven for “mother,” twenty-three for “elder brother,” seventeen for “uncle,” nine for “aunt,” seven for “husband,” sixteen for “wife,” ten for “son,” eleven for “sister”—with the use of each one determined by the blood relationship between the individuals involved.
Chiyok Kaldeungui 치욕갈든기 Chee-yohk Kahl-dung-we
The Scourge of Regionalism
Birthplace and home village or hometown continue to be vitally important factors in life in Korea, significantly affecting the lives of people socially, economically, and politically. This widespread influence has its roots in the clan system that has prevailed in Korean society since ancient times and in the political, social, and economic divisions that have also existed since early times.
In present-day Korea this carryover from the past is generally expressed in terms of chiyok kaldeungui (chee-yohk kahl-dung-we), or “regionalism.” It has to be taken into account to understand Korea as a nation and deal effectively with people individually as well as in groups. Economist Eui-Young Yu notes that people from Honam, for example, have routinely been discriminated against on a local, regional, and national basis for more than a thousand years. Yu says that the people of Honam are distinguished from other Koreans only by a slight accent, but the discrimination continues because it has been built into the culture.
Yu traces the origins of regionalism in Korea to the so-called Three Kingdoms period, which began in the first century B.C. and lasted until the seventh century A.D. During that long period the kingdom of Kokuryo held sway in what is now North Korea, the kingdom of Paekche was located in what is now the southwestern portion of the peninsula (the Honam and Chungchong regions), and the kingdom of Shilla was made up of the southeastern side of the peninsula—now designated as the Youngnam region.
Following the emergence of Shilla as the dominant power on the peninsula in the seventh century, people from the Youngnam region have dominated the government ever since. Discrimination against Honam people became the official policy of the government. In the tenth century legislation was passed prohibiting the hiring of Honam people for any government post.
