them citizenship rights. They concede temporary visas to immigrants who see these developed countries as a transient place to make money, while maintaining roots in their own homeland. This kind of transnational migration is only possible due to the improvement of transportation and communication. Technology will continue to expel human labor out of the production of goods and services as long as the number of consumers is large enough (Hobsbawm 1996). Rich countries increase the income gap between the wealthy and poor within their own societies, and further expand the division of the world into rich and poor countries. Countries regardless of their wealth demonstrate income gaps based on race/ethnicity and/or religion.
Some authors refer to this capitalist phase as transnationalism, which also comprises the state’s role as transnational entrepreneur and its creation of supranational organizations, and its opposite grassroots nongovernmental transnational organizations and movements. Transnationalism includes sociocultural activities, such as diasporic literature and satellite and cable networks (Portes, Guarnizo, and Landolt 1999; Vertovec 1999).
Transnationalism increased the number of labor brokers and human trafficking. Most of the Japanese Brazilian immigrants working in Japan were recruited by labor brokers, as were more than two-third of the migrant population of Maringá city, located in Northern Paraná State in 2001 (Sasaki 2009: 330–31). This information can be applied to other Japanese–Brazilian migrant populations from Brazilian cities including São Paulo, Belém, and Rio de Janeiro, and the states of São Paulo, Mato Grosso do Sul, Rio de Janeiro, Bahia, Santa Catarina, and Rio Grande do Sul. Labor brokers controlled the process of enveloping migrant workers, obtaining necessary documents and visas, securing jobs, and arranging housing (Sasaki 2009: 331). Migrants’ siblings could barely influence their choice.
Labor brokers direct Japanese Brazilian immigrants to non-skilled factory jobs in Japan. The power of these brokers in the receptive society applies to almost all Japanese Brazilian immigrants, even to those who opened small business, such as food stores and restaurants for their own countrymen. Herbert Klein (1989, 1983) writing about Italians in Brazil, Argentina, and the United States demonstrates the importance of the receptive society and its labor market between the second half of the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century. However, transnational labor conditions are different. They create an underclass and an elite one, and at the same time, squeeze the middle class.
The Japanese government financially backed the centenary celebrations as a way to keep its economic, political, and financial link with their former immigrants and their descendants and with the Brazilian government. Japan backed Japanese Brazilian cultural activities, including museums devoted to Japanese immigration. The centenary celebrations became a point of pride for the former immigrants and their descendants. The Japanese Brazilian immigrants mythologized the adversity they faced and how their descendants overcame this and became successful medical doctors, politicians, and engineers. This glorification of the past and the invention of traditions became common among other groups of immigrants, such as Eastern European Jewish and Italian immigrants in turn-of-the-century New York City (Foner 2000: 2–3).
Those who went to work in Japan as Dekasegi were devalued. Originally Dekasegi meant to work away from home. In Brazilian Portuguese, they are called Dekassegui. Currently, Japanese apply this word to foreigners, including Japanese Brazilians or Nikkei, who work in low status and low skill occupations. Japanese call this kind of occupation 3K jobs: Kitani (dirty), Kiken (dangerous), and Kisui (difficult). Japanese see these jobs as derogatory ones (Sasaki 2014: 8).
The discrimination against Brazilian Nikkei has to do with their insertion in subaltern employment in Japan. However, in both countries, Dekasegi is associated with “the idea of failure, wounding the pride of the Japanese—and the successful Nikkei who live in Brazil—who had immigrated earlier in the twentieth century and who had achieved some degree of success relative to their host country” (Sasaki 2014: 8).
Besides Brazil, the Japanese state sent emigrants to other Latin American countries, such as Peru, Paraguay, Argentina, Bolivia, Dominican Republic, and Mexico, from the end of the nineteenth century to the middle of the twentieth century. Japanese emigration started in the 1880s, when migrant workers moved to Hawaii and North America. The official reason for Latin America’s migration policy was overpopulation and poverty from the 1920s to 1960s. During this length of time 40 to 50 percent of the emigrants to Latin America came from Southwest Japan. In fact, people who were disadvantaged and marginalized due to the Japan’s modernization and capitalistic development assumed radical positions of resistance. Japan decided to get rid of those who questioned its policy and sent them to Latin America. Besides increasing its internal social control, Japan’s nation-state flexed its imperialist tentacles beyond its borders through a system of migration and colonization (Endoh 2009).
Japanese people considered Japanese Brazilians as betrayers, even though those who left Japan in order to survive a severe crisis, and did so with the help of the Japanese government. Japanese immigrants intended to stay for a few years in Brazil, work hard, save money, and then return to Japan. However, World War II interrupted their plans, and they had to settle definitively in Brazil. The novel Haru e Natsu e as Cartas que Não Chegaram (Haru and Natsu and the Letters that Did Not Arrive) contrasts the fraught relationships of family members who had left Japan and those who had to stay (Hashida 2005). Novels, oral accounts, and biographies based on migration experience are a rich source of information for migration studies. These need to be combined with additional material, such as life histories, interviews, and historical data, as they are all a part of the rich historical experience of such groups (Kosminsky 2003: 179; Sakurai 1993).
I apply the following terminology to describe the Japanese Brazilians in this research from the point of view of the interviewees: Japanese, someone who has the Japanese phenotype although he/she holds Brazilian citizenship; Brazilian, someone who does not have the Japanese phenotype and has a mix of European, African Brazilian, and Native Brazilian ancestry; Nikkei, originated from the Japanese term Nikkeijin, is applied to all the Japanese descendants; and finally Dekasegi, classified as such by Japanese Brazilians, Japanese and Brazilian companies, and both societies. The interviewees also used the generational terminology: Issei, first generation born in Japan; Nisei, second generation; and Sansei, third generation. However, Brazilians, regardless of origin, do not use the expression Japanese Brazilian, which is American. I decided to keep this expression in order to make it easy for readers (Tsuda 2003: 50; Sasaki 2009: 355).
For the Brazilian government, the celebration of the centenary highlighted the continuation of Japanese Brazilians’ remittances. These remittances, sent in dollars, were instrumental in helping to shrink the Brazilian deficit, worsened by the high interest charged on this debt. Banks, real state agencies, and business companies were also interested in the migrants’ remittances. In the early 1990s, Dekasegi sent remittances totaling approximately four billion dollars. In 2009, remittances were estimated to be only 1.7 billion dollars. Migrants tended to be more careful about managing their savings in Brazil, as they were fully aware of the failures of their compatriots, whose small businesses had not thrived despite their best efforts. They also were conscious of the difficulty of re-integrating into society after so many years abroad. Another reason for the decrease of remittances is related to the increasingly longer stays of migrants, the consumption of durable goods, and the increase in the number of families that remained intact over that in the earlier immigration (Sasaki 2009: 340–41).
Besides the transnational corporations and its executives, politicians, and the transnational capitalist class (the elite), the transnational migrant communities are making a huge impact on the global economy through the remittances that they send to their families. To many nation-states, remittances represent the most important source of foreign exchange. This leads many countries to create specific policies in order to keep their link with the immigrants, such as allowing them to vote for national elections (Vertovec 1999).
The number of Japanese Brazilians has been decreasing due to the Japanese economic crisis, and the remittances
