Carandini 2011b, 28.
20 See, for example, Livy 1.4.5–9 and 1.6.3, 1.7.3; Tib. 2.5.55–6: carpite nunc, tauri, de septem montibus herbas/ dum licet: hic magnae iam locus urbis erit. [Graze now, bulls, on the grass from the seven hills/ while it is permitted: this will be the site of a great city.]
21 Carandini 2011b, 27.
22 Carandini’s views are, unsurprisingly, extremely controversial and have been widely criticised on a variety of grounds; see, for instance, Poucet 2000, 160–81; Wiseman 2001; Moormann 2001; Wiseman 2004–6; Feeney 2007, 88–92; Wiseman 2008, 271–92; Testa 2012; Ampolo 2013; Hall 2014, 119–43. Carandini’s basic approach and general argument are nothing new, see pp. 47–50.
23 See Livy 1.3.3; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.66.1–2. Romulus’ grandfather was Numitor, the rightful heir to the throne of Alba Longa; Numitor’s position as king of Alba Longa was secured by Romulus and his brother, Remus (for a succinct account, see Livy 1.3.10–6.2). As noted above (see n. 14), Virgil has Aeneas found cities using the appropriate ritual.
24 Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.84.5; Plut. Rom. 6.1. For Gabii as an urbs, see Livy 1.53.4.
25 On the tendency for Roman writings about the past to be anachronistic, see, for example, Wiseman 1979b, 41–53; Cornell 1986, 83–4; Gabba 1991, 80–5, 159–66; Poucet 2000, 285–328; Cornell 2005, 59–60, 62; Raaflaub 2005, esp. 187–8; Drogula 2015, 2–4; see n. 15 above.
26 For the inscription, see Stibbe 1980.
27 The inscription reads: ‘[…]IEI STETERAI POPLIOSIO VALESIOSIO SVODALES MAMARTEI’ [The companions of Poplios Valesios set this up[?]; to Mars]; on sodales, see Versnel 1980, 108–27; Versnel 1997, esp. 181–2.
28 See the classic study of Ampolo 1976–7; also, for example, Cornell 1995, 157–9; Cornell 2003, 86–7; Bradley 2015, 102–5. Rome’s nobility actually long remained open to outsiders; much of the evidence was assembled long ago by Münzer 1920, 46–97; this openness may have been more extensive than the evidence suggests: most people are usually not visible; see pp. 135–45.
29 As Cornell 1995, 158 says, ‘such concepts as nationality and citizenship are anachronistic in the context of the seventh and sixth centuries bc.’
30 Livy 1.34; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3.46.3–48.2. See Zevi 2014, also for further references to the ancient evidence and, for the early source, see Alföldi 1965, 56–72 as well; Gallia’s objections to this argument (2007) are not convincing.
31 Livy 2.16.4–5; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 5.40.3–5; Suet. Tib. 1.1. For references to further evidence and an analysis of the various differences in the several accounts, see Wiseman 1979b, 59–64.
32 Livy 1.34.10, 1.35.1–6; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3.48.2, 3.49.1.
33 Succinctly stated by Claudius, ILS 212: quondam reges hanc tenuere urbem, nec tamen domesticis successoribus eam tradere contigit. supervenere alieni et quidam externi. [Kings once held this city, yet they were not able to pass it on to successors of their own line. Strangers intervened, and even some foreigners.] On these matters, see Chapter 2.
34 See, for example, Momigliano 1989a, 97–8; Cornell 1995, 141–50.
35 See Versnel 1980, 120–1 and Maras 2010 for optimistic assessments.
36 Claud. ILS 212: Servius Tullius, si nostros sequimur, captiva natus Ocresia, si Tuscos, Caeli quondam Vivennae sodalis fidelissimus omnisque eius casus comes, post quam varia fortuna exactus cum omnibus reliquis Caeliani exercitus Etruria excessit, montem Caelium occupavit et a duce suo Caelio ita appellita[vit], mutatoque nomine (nam Tusce Mastarna ei nomen erat) ita appellatus est, ut dixi, et regnum summa cum rei p(ublicae) utilitate optinuit. The translation is Cornell’s (1995, 133–4).
37 For Caeles as a possible king, see Alföldi 1965, 212–31 (Claudius’ story implies that Caeles had died, but there were other versions); a slightly stronger case can be made in favour of Caeles’ brother, Aulus Vibenna; again, see Alföldi’s discussion; Cornell 1995, 144–5. On the problems in the king-list and the chronology of the regal period, see De Cazanove 1988; De Cazanove 1992; Cornell 1995, 121–6; Forsythe 2005, 98–9; Feeney 2007, 88–91; various problems were already observed in antiquity, see Cic. Rep. 2.28–9 and Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4.6–7. See further Chapter 2.
38 Cf., for example, Cornell 1995, 144; Cornell 2003, 88; Torelli 2011, 230.
39 For the frescoes, see for instance, Moretti Sgubini 2004, and especially the chapter in the same volume by Andreae (2004, 52–4); further bibliography can be found in Richardson 2015.
40 On the handling of the evidence for Caeles Vibenna, see Richardson 2015.
41 See Smith 2006b on the gentes in general, and 32–44 on mythical ancestors; see also Kvium 2008 for a different approach.
42 Momigliano 1989a, 99; Cornell 1995, 84–5; Smith 2006b; and see below for the approach of Terrenato.
43 Cf., for instance, Torelli 2011, 226–7, and below for the hypotheses of Terrenato.
44 See Momigliano 1989a, 98–9; Versnel 1997, 182; and the hypotheses of Kvium 2008. See the next note as well.
45 For the various issues, see, for example, Richard 1990a (note 255–6 on the Fabii and their sodales); Richardson 2012, 81–3, 106–7, 119–20, 139–42, 150–1.
46 Diod. 11.53.6. Cf. Richard 1990a, 248–51.
47 On the location of the tribus Fabia, see Taylor 2013, 40–1 and Linderski’s defence of her argument (p. 363 of the same
