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vote contributed to what historian Douglas Bradburn describes as the “denization” of black citizens. States increasingly differentiated black Americans from white as “inhabitants,” “denizens,” or wards of the state who had some basic rights and obligations (rights to property and public education in some states, tax requirements, etc.) but whose status varied from state to state.15 Under these terms, black citizens had the burdens of legal culpability associated with personhood without the privileges and protections of full citizenship.16 By the end of the 1840s, only Maine, Massachusetts, Vermont, and Rhode Island offered unrestricted suffrage to black men.17 Over the previous two decades, other states had instituted or were in the process of instituting universal white male suffrage but disenfranchised virtually all black men in the process. The loss of the franchise became foundational to further state-sanctioned stripping of black civil rights and symbolized a forcible removal of black citizens from the civic imaginary itself.18 This logic created a circular argument: black men cannot vote, so they are not full citizens; black men are not full citizens and therefore should not be allowed to vote (without qualification).
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