Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist. Berkman Alexander

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Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist - Berkman Alexander

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some one yells, impatiently.

      “If you don’t interrupt me, gentlemen, I’ll go ahead.”

      “S-s-sh! Order!”

      “No! No!” many voices protest. “To hell with you!” The tumult drowns the words of the Sheriff. Shaking his clenched fist, his foot stamping the platform, he shouts at the crowd, but his voice is lost amid the general uproar.

      I see the popular leader of the strike nimbly ascend the platform. The assembly becomes hushed.

      “Brothers,” O’Donnell begins in a flowing, ingratiating manner, “we have won a great, noble victory over the Company. We have driven the Pinkerton invaders out of our city—”

      “Damn the murderers!”

      “Silence! Order!”

      “You have won a big victory,” O’Donnell continues, “a great, signifi­cant victory, such as was never before known in the history of labor’s struggle for better conditions.”

      Vociferous cheering interrupts the speaker. “But,” he continues, “you must show the world that you desire to maintain peace and order along with your rights. The Pinkertons were invaders. We defended our homes and drove them out; rightly so. But you are law-abiding citizens. You respect the law and the authority of the State. Public opinion will uphold you in your struggle if you act right. Now is the time, friends!” He raises his voice in waxing enthusiasm, “Now is the time! Welcome the soldiers. They are not sent by that man Frick. They are the people’s militia. They are our friends. Let us welcome them as friends!”

      Applause, mixed with cries of impatient disapproval, greets the exhortation. Arms are raised in angry argument, and the crowd sways back and forth, breaking into several excited groups. Presently a tall, dark man appears on the platform. His stentorian voice gradually draws the assembly closer to the front. Slowly the tumult subsides.

      “Don’t you believe it, men!” The speaker shakes his finger at the audience, as if to emphasize his warning. “Don’t you believe that the soldiers are coming as friends. Soft words these, Mr. O’Donnell. They’ll cost us dear. Remember what I say, brothers. The soldiers are no friends of ours. I know what I am talking about. They are coming here because that damned murderer Frick wants them.”

      “Hear! Hear!”

      “Yes!” the tall man continues, his voice quivering with emotion, “I can tell you just how it is. The scoundrel of a Sheriff there asked the Governor for troops, and that damned Frick paid the Sheriff to do it, I say!”

      “No! No!” roars the crowd.

      “Well, if you don’t want the damned scabs, keep out the soldiers, you understand? If you don’t, they’ll drive you out from the homes you have paid for with your blood. You and your wives and children they’ll drive out, and out you will go from these”—the speaker points in the direction of the mills—“that’s what they’ll do, if you don’t look out. We have sweated and bled in these mills, our brothers have been killed and maimed there, we have made the damned Company rich, and now they send the soldiers here to shoot us down like the Pinkerton thugs have tried to. And you want to welcome the murderers, do you? Keep them out, I tell you!”

      Amid shouts and yells the speaker leaves the platform.

      I am eager to see the popular Burgess of Homestead, himself a poorly paid employee of the Carnegie Company. A large-boned, good-natured-looking workingman elbows his way to the front, the men readily making way for him with nods and pleasant smiles.

      “I haven’t prepared any speech,” the Burgess begins haltingly, “but I want to say, I don’t see how you are going to fight the soldiers. There is a good deal of truth in what the brother before me said; but if you stop to think on it, he forgot to tell you just one little thing. The how? How is he going to do it, to keep the soldiers out? That’s what I’d like to know. I’m afraid it’s bad to let them in. The blacklegs might be hiding in the rear. But then again, it’s bad not to let the soldiers in. You can’t stand up against ’em: they are not Pinkertons. And we can’t fight the Government of Pennsylvania. Perhaps the Governor won’t send the militia. But if he does, I reckon the best way for us will be to make friends with them. Guess it’s the only thing we can do. That’s all I have to say.”

      The assembly breaks up, dejected, dispirited.

      26 By 1892, there were between eight hundred and a thousand East European workers at Homestead. There were also significant numbers of English, Irish, and Scottish workers.

      27 Apparently a reference to sheriff of Allegheny County, William H. McCleary.

      28 It may be that Berkman is being rather creative here. He did not arrive in Pittsburgh/Allegheny City until late on July 13. The militia arrived in Homestead at 9 in the morning of July 12. The subject matter of this meeting concerns the expected arrival of the militia and would have been held before July 12, at least two days before Berkman’s arrival in the area. Indeed a large meeting of around five thousand did take place on July 11, and was reported in the New York Sun on July 12. Berkman may be paraphrasing that report, which he could have read on the way to Homestead. What appears certain is that he was not at this meeting and that, perhaps, some of the speakers he presents are serving here as literary tropes.

      29 Hugh O’Donnell was an Irish American steel worker at Homestead and chairman of the workers’ Advisory Committee (a union-based group that essentially played a leadership role in the dispute) and worked as a heat treater in the mill. O’Donnell played a leading role in the events of July 6 after having urged the Pinkertons to leave peacefully. He worked for a compromise with company management once the state militia arrived and appears to have lost the confidence of some of the workers. He, like many others on the Advisory Committee, was arrested the week of July 18, on charges of murder, treason, and riot/conspiracy of which he was, after a lengthy process, acquitted. He would go on to manage a traveling vaudeville and concert company.

      30 “Blacklegs” was another term for scabs or replacement workers hired by management in place of union workers during a strike.

      31 John McLuckie was an early member of the Knights of Labor. He moved to Homestead in the 1880s and was elected Burgess of Homestead in 1890 and 1892. He was a member of the Amalgamated Association

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