in this sector’s relationships with heavy industry (the privileged sector for foreign multinational corporations), as well as on commercial outlets. This explains, among other things, the political weakness of this domestic bourgeoisie, which, although it tries to translate into political action its contradictions with foreign capital and the big comprador bourgeoisie, is unable, for the most part, to wield long-term political hegemony over the other fractions of the bourgeoisie and the dominant classes, i.e. over the power bloc.
Two other important characteristics should be added to this.
a) The domestic bourgeoisie does not fall entirely on one side of the divide between monopoly and non-monopoly capital. While the domestic bourgeoisie does include a section of non-monopoly capital in the countries with which we are concerned (the ‘small and medium-size firms’), it also includes entire segments of monopoly capital; and conversely, there are also segments of non-monopoly capital entirely subordinated to foreign capital by way of sub-contracting agreements and commercial channels. Thus although the domestic bourgeoisie exhibits a certain political unity in its contradictions with foreign capital, it is itself deeply divided, particularly in so far as it is cleft by the contradiction between monopoly and non-monopoly capital, and this fact is not without effect on its political weakness.
b) Since the domestic bourgeoisie is itself still relatively dependent on foreign capital, the contradictions between the various foreign capitals in these countries, particularly those between United States capital and capital from the Common Market, and between capitals from different fractions of internationalized capital (industrial, banking, commercial), are all reflected and reproduced actually within the domestic bourgeoisie itself, according to the divergent lines of dependence that cut across it. The domestic bourgeoisie is marked by the same ‘externally centred’ character as the entire economy of these countries, which is polarized towards a process of internationalization under the aegis of capital from the dominant countries. And this is always a factor in the political weakness of this bourgeoisie.
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