passed for a mere theoretical, idealist manifesto similar to countless other manifestos and declarations made by many organizations and religious or political personalities. But he did, in fact, turn all that he had in mind into a living reality. He surprised Egypt and the Muslim world with his leadership genius, though he was certainly more than a great leader. He left a lasting and positive mark on everyone he met. And this is perhaps why the Ikhwan gathered into its fold people with inclinations, interests and backgrounds which would have otherwise appeared impossible to reconcile. The other interesting characteristic about Hasan al-Banna is that he was wholeheartedly involved in what he was doing and he sacrificed everything for what he believed in. He built a strong and sound nucleus of believing men and women on whom the whole Islamic project would stand.
With Hasan al-Banna and the group he founded the bitter rivalry and conflict between the two main religious currents in Egypt at that time, namely the Salafist movement and the Sufi brotherhoods, was resolved once and for all. Al-Azhar, which had a monopoly over Islamic thought through its institutions and networks, was challenged with a new thought which restored to Islam its holistic stature.
In al-Isma’iliyyah, Hasan al-Banna started building the institutions of the Ikhwan which included a mosque, general headquarters, Hira’ Islamic institution and Umahat al-Mu’minin school for ladies. From these institutions and places of learning the Ikhwan message spread to neighbouring cities and villages.
Hasan al-Banna moved, in 1932, to Cairo, and with him the Ikhwan headquarters moved too. It was from Cairo that the message of the Ikhwan finally spread to the whole of Egypt.
In order that the voice of the Ikhwan al-Muslimun should be heard loudly and unequivocally, Hasan al-Banna published two journals, the weekly al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun and al-Nazir (the Warner). In these journals Hasan al-Banna published some of his small treatises and epistles, though his main concern was not writing books but building good Muslim characters.
As the Ikhwan organization became stronger, Hasan al-Banna showed his determination to bring about changes in society. He opened a bureau for community aid and a housing association. He established enterprises of which the most important components were: the Islamic dealings enterprise (Sharikat al-Mu’amalat al-Islamiyyah), the Arabic enterprises for mining (al-Sharika al-Arabiyyah li’l-ma’adin wal’mahajir), etc. He established hospitals and dispensaries which were controlled and run by the Ikhwan. He also organized summer camps for the youth and from these youth he formed scouting groups. He organized international and national outings as well as units for the eradication of illiteracy throughout Egypt. He took a special interest in forming da’is and preachers who were sent for teaching and instruction throughout the country. Lastly, the Ikhwan were the initiators and promoters of a wave of new books and literature, in terms of their topics and intellectual quality, written by members of the Ikhwan.
Parallel to the male organization of the Ikhwan, Hasan al-Banna founded a female section (al-Akhawat al-Muslimat), to play its role among the ladies. In order to achieve this task the Akhawat founded the ‘Girls’ House for Islamic Education’ (Dar al-Tarbiyyah al-Islamiyyah li’l-fatat) whose role among ladies and girls was similar to that of the male section in terms of comprehensiveness and depth.
Hasan al-Banna could not ignore what was happening on the political front. Had he ignored it, he would have failed to rise to the wholeness and compass which he set his group to achieve. Had he left politics aside, his group would have had enhanced the claim, already widespread at that time among the intellectuals of Egyptian society, that Islam is a mere personal relationship between man and God, and hence, had nothing to do with political legitimacy.
Soon the Ikhwan group made its political voice heard by friend and foe alike. It stood firmly, in the early thirties against the missionary activities which exploited the ignorance, misery and vulnerability of ordinary people and the Ikhwan made sure that these activities did not succeed. They also opposed strongly the 1936 Anglo-Egyptian treaty which the Wafdist government signed on behalf of Egypt, for they believed it to be a treaty which strengthened Britain’s grip on Egypt.
Hasan al-Banna mobilized all his group’s strength and potential to helping the Palestinian people in their 1936 revolution against the British and the Zionists. The voice of the Ikhwan was a loud cry against the corruption of the establishment which ruled Egypt at that time. Thus, the Ikhwan opposed colonialist and capitalist projects which were implemented in the area through the political system. In this context the Ikhwan mobilized the masses to march against the Sidqi-Bevin treaty, in 1946, leading to its failure. This was but a small reaction which was part of an overall plan to get rid of all aspects of colonialism and dependency.
The colonial powers were well aware of the danger posed by the Ikhwan, and Hasan al-Banna in particular, to their interests in the region and the threat which they would face should the Ikhwan ever get into power. Thus, when Hasan al-Banna presented himself for parliamentary election, the Wafdist Prime Minister, Mustafa al-Nahhas asked him to withdraw his candidature because of threats he had received from the British ambassador in Cairo. Meanwhile the Ikhwan’s help for the Palestinian cause did not stop with the end of the 1936 revolution. Hasan al-Banna sent people from his group to train the Palestinians and initiated huge fund-raising schemes for this cause. In the 1948 Arab-Zionist War, the Ikhwan sent to the war-front the best of their youth to fight against the Zionists.
Involved as they were in Egyptian affairs, the Ikhwan were also keen to expand their thought and vision to other parts of the Muslim world. Ikhwan branches, with a close, organizational affiliation with the mother-organization in Egypt, were founded in Syria, Jordan, and later on, in almost all Arab countries. The Ikhwan were even involved in the 1948 Yemenite revolution which attempted to enthrone Qadi Abdullah Ibn Ahmad al-Wazir as Imam of Yemen after the death of Imam Yahya.
Some of the leaders of the Algerian association of Muslim scholars, such as al-Fudail al-Warthilani, had strong links with the Ikhwan who were helping them to rid the country of the French colonialists.
Hasan al-Banna’s political plans were not simplistic and aimed only at making partisan noises or party political gains. He did not aim, in the long run, at participating in the political game which the dying monarchy, and the colonialist powers, were playing in Egypt. Clearly, he was planning to change Egypt’s political system, and hence, overthrow the monarchy, as a first step towards reviving a great Muslim Caliphate.
In order to achieve this aim, he formed an elite core of soldiers, and some civilians, which became known as al-Jihaz al-Sirri (the secret organ).
The activities of this secret Ikhwan organization among the Egyptian army culminated in the formation of al-Dubbat al-Ahrar (the Free Army Officers). This organization included some Egyptian army elite among whom was Jamal ‘Abd al-Nasir. Nasir and many of his fellow-officers who participated, later on, in the overthrow of King Faruq did, in fact, belong to the Ikhwan and swore allegiance to Hasan al-Banna and the head of the secret organization, Mahmud Labib, whom Hasan al-Banna appointed. Hasan al-Banna did not, however, live to see King Faruq overthrown nor the subsequent turn of events which followed.
After the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, the colonialist powers were convinced that they had to act drastically against the Ikhwan and their leader. Thus, all the Ikhwan members who participated in the war against the Zionists were imprisoned, and most of the Ikhwan members remaining in Egypt were also arrested. But Hasan al-Banna was left free, in order to facilitate his assassination. The great powers were growing ever more concerned about their interests in the region so, because of the Ikhwan’s activities, the liquidation of its leader and severe measures against the group became inevitable. Hasan al-Banna was assassinated on 12th February 1949.
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