The Experiment Must Continue. Melissa Graboyes
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What is also striking is how differently the disease was experienced in different parts of the country. In the late 1940s, the researcher Hope Trant was shocked to discover two very distinct responses to living with the disease. In Kyela in Southwestern Tanganyika, those with elephantiasis limped noticeably and complained loudly. On Ukara Island in Western Tanganyika, the Wakara who were infected continued hoeing fields and carrying compost, “only feeling sorry for themselves when their condition is being commented upon in a medical examination.”11 It remains an open question how debilitating the disease actually was and how much it limited functionality in daily life. Local perceptions of the disease stress individuals’ physiological and social functionality: physically, people continued to participate in the labors of day-to-day life; socially, people were accepted by society. This acceptance of LF was true in the past and continues into the present. In the previous section’s modern case study from Zanzibar, people continued to function with the disease and still tended to prioritize other public health and medical concerns above LF.
Local understandings of filariasis are important for figuring out why the elimination attempt was so forcefully refused. In order for an elimination campaign (or any public health/medical research project) to have local support, people have to feel it is important and relevant. Filariasis was neither a deadly disease nor extremely debilitating or stigmatized; it was unlikely to be identified as a first choice for elimination by residents. Instead, people likely would have preferred researchers to focus on other—deadly—diseases such as smallpox or malaria, or provide a true public health service like reliable access to clean water. As the LF campaign was in progress, a note written in Arabic from Pate Island residents stated that “there is scarcely [sic] of water in our villages and due to our poor conditions we beg your assistance,” making a clear plea for water rather than activities targeting mosquito-borne diseases like lymphatic filariasis or malaria.12
Elimination: The Publicized and the (Secretly) Planned
Goiny arrived on Pate Island as a mid-level employee of the DIBD (a unit of the Kenya Medical Department), the plan of which was to eliminate filariasis on the island using a combination of entomological and medical methods. An entomological approach to elimination involves targeting and killing the mosquitoes that transmit the disease. If the mosquito population is reduced enough, transmission will cease even if humans remain infected. A medical approach targets parasites inside the human body, which is considered a reservoir of disease. When a majority of human infections have been treated and there are few microfilariae circulating in anyone’s blood, there is less worry about the number of mosquitoes. The department combined both strategies, targeting both the mosquito and its breeding sites, as well as the parasite inside the human body.
The DIBD spoke confidently to villagers about how they would achieve elimination, but they claimed that the attempt would only target mosquitoes. Islanders were only asked to agree to “the search for and collection of mosquitoes in all stages of development.”13 Yet this claim was at best half true. From the very beginning, the DIBD had planned to take human blood samples between 10:00 pm and midnight to determine levels of infection and then to “dose” nearly everyone on the island with a worm-killing drug for a period of years to eliminate the parasite’s human reservoir. Additional nocturnal blood testing would also be needed to make sure the drugs were working and overall levels of infection were decreasing. The medical work that targeted the parasite in the human body would be concurrent with the environmental modifications targeting mosquito habitats. Houses would be cleared of water storage containers that served as mosquito breeding sites, outdoor breeding sites would be destroyed, and the interiors of houses would be sprayed with DDT. The researchers openly admitted to each other that “searches in houses are bound to require the removal of some of the conglomeration of junk and dirt to be found in most homes . . . [and] the presently used water containers, tanks and drums . . . would all be ordered to be destroyed.”14 The level of “human” involvement in the project was expected to be large, but this was never discussed with the island’s residents.
In 1956, when Goiny arrived at Pate Island, LF had never been eliminated anywhere in the world.15 The research team knew that each of the proposed interventions—targeting humans, mosquitoes, and the environment—was crucial if elimination were to be even a possibility. They also knew that, even with an integrated approach, there was no guarantee of success. Despite knowing the experimental nature of their work, they concealed this information from residents, calculating that it would ease their way into the community. Our modern understanding of what is needed to eliminate a vector-borne disease like filariasis validates many of the techniques planned by the DIBD. Today, scientists are well aware of the threats of reinfection from mosquitoes or people entering from outside the treated area, declines in drug efficacy, and DDT resistance. But, although the DIBD had the correct scientific techniques and effective drugs, the project failed. The next section will explain the reasons why islanders refused to participate. Their rejection of the project and its ultimate failure had little to do with the efficacy of specific interventions, and much to do with how science, the researchers, and government were perceived.
Explaining Failures Comparatively
How do we explain the islanders’ staunch refusal to participate in the elimination attempt and the Kenyan colonial government’s quiet retreat from the island? Both defy easy explanation. It is worth comparing this to another historical attempt to eliminate LF, on Ukara Island in Western Tanzania. There, the Filariasis Research Unit engaged in field surveys and drug trials sporadically between 1951 and 1961.16 Their activities also failed to eliminate LF, but they did “succeed” at not being kicked off the island right after arriving. Ukara Islanders flocked to participate in the mass administration of anti-helminthic drugs and tolerated the regular presence of entomologists, parasitologists, and other scientists coming and going and asking for their participation in a variety of projects. There were two major differences between the campaigns that go a long way toward explaining the disparate outcomes on Ukara Island and Pate Island: first, the behaviors of researchers when they arrived and how well they integrated with the community; second, the history of past government interactions in the area. Although public opinion could always change, in many cases the initial relationships and interactions foretold either smooth or rocky relations in the future.17