href="#ulink_3578b601-b5cc-5335-a945-e728e48d9bc6">3. See the essay by Ann Marie Legreid, “Kinship and Crossing: The Role of Family and Community in the Migrations from Inner Hardanger, 1836–1900,” in Øyvind T. Gulliksen, Ingeborg R. Kongslien, and Dina Tolfsby, eds., Essays on Norwegian-American Literature and History Volume II (Oslo, 1990), 57–72. A major study of the phenomenon is Robert C. Ostergren, A Community Transplanted: The Trans-Atlantic Experience of a Swedish Immigrant Settlement in the Upper Middle West (Madison, Wisconsin, 1988).
4. One striking example is provided by the Selbu community in eastern Washington; see Marvin G. Slind, “Norse to the Palouse: The Selbu Community,” in Bunchgrass Historian, 10:4 (1982), 10–19. See also Slind and Fred C. Bohm, Norse to the Palouse: Sagas of the Selbu Norwegians (Pullman, Washington, 1990).
5. Scandinavian emigration during the nineteenth century is generally seen as dominated by families and that of the twentieth century by young adults. See, for example, the chapter “Change and Unrest, 1865–1915” in Ingrid Semmingsen, Norway to America: A History of the Migration, trans. by Einar Haugen (Minneapolis, 1978), 106–120.
6. Scandinavians had, of course, a presence in North America well before this. A Swedish colony was established in Delaware already in 1638. And Viking expeditions had reached the shores of eastern Canada by the year 1000.
7. See Hans Norman and Harald Runblom, Transatlantic Connections (Oslo, 1988) and Sture Lindmark, “End of the Great Migration,” Swedish Pioneer Historical Quarterly, 20:1 (1969), 25–41.
8. Carlton C. Qualey, Norwegian Settlement in the United States (Northfield, Minnesota, 1938), 188.
9. See chapter II, “Settlement Patterns and Occupations,” in Jorgen Dahlie, A Social History of Scandinavian Immigration, Washington State, 1895–1910 (New York, 1980).
10. Calvin F. Schmid, Social Trends in Seattle (Seattle, 1944), 99. Foreign-born Scandinavians made up five percent of Seattle’s total population in 1940, with the heaviest concentration of Norwegians and Swedes living in the area of the city known as Ballard.
11. For striking photographic documentation of this ethnic presence, see Kristina Veirs, ed., Nordic Heritage Northwest (Seattle, 1982).
12. Louis M. Starr, “Oral History,” in Encyclopedia of Library and Information Science, 20 (New York, 1977), 440.
13. James Bennett, “Human Values in Oral History,” in Oral History Review, 11 (1983), 5.
Part One / Homeland
Spread across the northern roof of Europe, the Scandinavian countries have been marked physically, economically, and culturally by their position on the periphery. The climatic conditions and challenging landscapes of the Far North influenced settlement patterns and circumscribed resource-based occupations like farming and fishing. Compared with other parts of western Europe, industrialization arrived late, and traditional lifestyles persisted to some extent into the early decades of the twentieth century. Precious literary and folk treasures like the sagas, ballads, and folktales were preserved in unique quantities, while modern artistic giants like Henrik Ibsen fled Scandinavian cultural provincialism to nurture their creative talents on the Continent.
Counterbalancing this image of life at the margins is the historical record of vigorous Scandinavian interactions with other cultures, most dramatically represented by the Viking expeditions, which reached both across the North Atlantic and deep into Russia. By the nineteenth century, the seafaring industries—shipping and whaling—and the steady emigration of Scandinavians to North America—and to a lesser extent other parts of the world—confirmed that Scandinavian isolation, never total, was crumbling rapidly in an era of improved transportation and communication.
Climatic conditions vary from the marine-influenced regions of Denmark and coastal Norway to the sub-polar continental zones of Finland and northern Sweden. The heavy forests of Sweden and Finland give way in the west to the mountains and fjords of Norway and in the southwest to the wind-blown heaths of Denmark. Out in the mid-Atlantic, Iceland’s hot springs and lava fields present a stark and arresting landscape. In much of the region, farmers struggle with rugged terrain and marginal natural vegetation. The spectacular light summer nights contrast with a winter palette of eery blues and blacks.
The ties among the five countries are long-standing and too complex to enumerate fully here. The historian Franklin Scott writes that the Scandinavians “have a common cultural tradition, have been in and out of various political combinations with one another, and think of themselves as a group. They have their differences, each of the five nations is an entity, yet each is far more different from other nations outside the group than it is from any of the brother nations within the group.”1 Of primary importance to this family relationship are the linguistic ties that make it possible for the majority of Scandinavians to communicate with each other without formal translation.
In 1900, when the immigrants featured here were being born, the five countries boasted a combined population of 12,500,000. Denmark, Finland, and Norway were roughly equal in size, with 2.5, 2.7, and 2.2 million inhabitants respectively. Sweden’s population numbered 5.1 million. Iceland was still part of the Danish kingdom.2
Industrialization came to the Nordic region during the latter half of the nineteenth century. Whereas agriculture still dominated the economic landscape in 1870, a fundamental shift had occurred by the turn of the century, and the manufacturing and service industries had begun to assume a leading role. Finland retained its rural profile longer than did Denmark, Norway, and Sweden; sixty-six percent of the Finnish population was still employed in agriculture and related fields in 1910. The four decades immediately prior to the First World War were a time of high economic growth, as exports increased, industry expanded, and emigration absorbed much of the natural population growth. People moved into the urban centers to take service and factory jobs and gradually the conveniences of modern life entered their homes.3
The oral history narratives document the continuation of subsistence farming alongside the development of an urban, money-based economy. Torvald Opsal notes, “You had plenty to eat, but there was no cash.” In order to pay for Torvald’s trip to Bergen to be cleared for emigration, the Opsal family sold one of their cows. Food and clothing production required steady and energetic workers. Ester Sundvik says of her mother, “She was never idle. When she sat down, she knitted stockings and spun wool and linen and all kinds of things that she was busy with.” Moreover, Ester’s mother ran the farm single-handed, raised three daughters, preserved and stored foods in the era before refrigeration, and served as the local midwife. Remarkably, this demanding lifestyle produced few complaints, perhaps in part because “we didn’t know anything else.” Torvald Opsal’s maternal grandmother was likewise a model of endurance—“just a quiet, hardworking woman, light, small, could outrun any sheep until the day she died.”
Andrew Johnson and family at his mother’s home in Sweden
