Ibid., 200.
71. According to Roman Bleistein, since these sermons were written by Jesuit scholastics studying theology and on the track for ordination, the sermons were really theological treatises or essays. Chrysologus afforded the opportunity for young Jesuits to practice communicating their ideas for a wider audience. See Bleistein, Alfred Delp, 99.
72. They were titled: Advent 1935, Religion, Revelation, the Historical Christ, Who Is the Human Person?, the Divine Foundation in the Human Person, Sin and Guilt in the Existence of the Human Person, the Honest Person in Christianity, the Heroic Person, the Church in the Hands of Human Persons, and Christ—the Lord of the Modern Age. See Delp, Gesammelten Schriften, 1:111–94.
73. Renato Moro, “Church, Catholics and Fascist Movements in Europe: An Attempt at a Comparative Analysis,” in Catholicism and Fascism in Europe 1918–1945 (New York: Georg Olms Verlag, 2015), 76.
74. Walter Benjamin, “Theses on the Philosophy of History,” in Illuminations (London: Fontana, 1992), no. IX, 149.
75. Peukert, The Weimar Republic, 74.
76. Eric D. Weitz, Weimar Germany: Promise and Tragedy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press, 2009), 98.
77. Roger Griffin, “An Unholy Alliance? The Convergence between Revealed Religion and Sacralized Politics in Inter-War Europe,” in Catholicism and Fascism in Europe 1918–1945 (New York: Georg Olms Verlag, 2015), 57.
78. Moro, “Church, Catholics and Fascist Movements in Europe,” 91.
79. Ibid., 91.
80. Delp, Gesammelte Schriften 2, 146.
81. Delp was pursuing a licentiate in theology, which is considered a second cycle of theology and prepares a person to teach theology in a seminary.
82. Tertianship usually occurs several years after ordination.
83. The journal entries covered his retreat experience from October 8, 1938, to November 6, 1938.
84. Delp, Gesammelte Schriften 1, 257.
85. Delp’s tertianship reflections on the Heart of Jesus will be examined in conjunction with his prison reflections on the Heart of Jesus in chapter 4.
86. Footnote 193. See Delp, Gesammelte Schriften 1, 104.
87. Bleistein, Alfred Delp, 1989, 141.
88. Roger Griffin, The Nature of Fascism (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1991), 103.
89. Griffin, The Nature of Fascism, 103.
90. Chapter 3 explores two pieces of writing by Alfred Delp that criticizes Ernst Jünger’s aestheticization of violence (The Achievement of War, 1940) and appropriation of the will-to-power ethos (The Image of the Person in the Constitution of the Society of Jesus, 1941).
91. Delp, Gesammelte Schriften 2, 301–18.
92. Ibid., 304–5.
93. Ibid., 304.
94. Coady, With Bound Hands, 36.
95. Bleistein, Alfred Delp, 189.
96. Coady, With Bound Hands, 33.
97. Ibid., 33–34.
98. Bleistein, Alfred Delp, 203–5.
99. Delp Alfred, Gesammelte Schriften 3: Predigten und Ansprachen, ed. Roman Bleistein (Frankfurt am Main: Josef Knecht, 1985), 199–201.
100. Alfred, Gesammelte Schriften 3, 199.
101. Ibid., 199–200.
102. Ibid., 200.
103. Ibid., 201.
104. Ibid., 200.
105. In his memoirs, George F. Kennan, the famous American diplomat, holds Helmuth James von Moltke in incredible regard. In his memoirs Kennan recalls,
A tall, handsome, sophisticated aristocrat, in every sense of the word, Moltke was also, at the same time, everything that by the logic of his official environment he might have been expected not to be: a man of profound religious faith and outstanding moral courage, and a firm believer in democratic ideals. I found him, on that first occasion, immersed in a study of the Federalist Papers—to get ideas for the constitution of a future democratic Germany; and the picture of this scion of a famous Prussian military family, himself employed by the German general staff in the midst of a great world war, hiding himself away and turning, in all humility, to the works of some of the founding fathers of our own democracy for ideas as to how Germany might be led out of its existing corruption and bewilderment has never left me. I consider him, in fact, to have been the greatest person, morally, and the largest and most enlightened in his concepts, that I met on either side of the battle lines in the Second World War. Even at that time—in 1940 and 1941—he had looked beyond the whole sordid arrogance and apparent triumphs of the Hitler regime; he had seen through to the ultimate catastrophe and had put himself to it inwardly, preparing himself—as he would eventually have liked to help prepare his people—for the necessity of starting all over again, albeit in defeat and humiliation, to erect a new national edifice on a new and better moral foundation. I was particularly impressed by the extent to which Moltke had risen, in his agony, above the pettiness and primitivism of latter-day nationalism . . . Moltke was not destined to survive the war. It was scarcely to be expected that he should. His opposition to the Nazi regime, never exactly a secret, became more flagrant and more irritating to the authorities as the war ran its course. Himself a Protestant, he defied the regime, for example, by giving refuge in his own home in Silesia to the local Catholic schools and permitting them to carry on there after its own premises had been closed by the Gestapo . . . I record all this because the image of this lonely, struggling man, one of the few genuine Protestant-Christian martyrs of our time, has remained for me over the intervening years a pillar of moral conscience and an unfailing source of political and intellectual inspiration.
(George F. Kennan, Memoirs: 1925–1950 [Toronto: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1967], 120–22)
106. Michael Leonard Graham Balfour and Julian Frisby, Helmuth von Moltke: A Leader against Hitler (London: Macmillan, 1972), 302.
107. Moltke wrote to a friend, “I may well give up law for the time being. The old jurisprudence, which I have learned and which is inspired by the concept of justice and humanity, is today only of historical interest because no matter how things develop in Germany there is absolutely no chance of bringing back these old ways of establishing what is just” (Balfour and Frisby, Helmuth von Moltke, 54).
108. One of the appeasers, Bishop Headlam of Gloucester (1862–1947), who was the chairman of Foreign Relations for the Church of England wrote, “Moltke seems to me to be a bitter opponent of the whole Hitler regime and to be determined to keep up the Church feud because he thinks, rightly, that it will injure National Socialism” (Balfour and Frisby, Helmuth von Moltke, 71).
109. Canaris was anxious to have someone who could use international law as a check on Nazi violations of rights. In Moltke, Canaris found the resourceful and determined technical expert who could show him how, if at all, it could be done. (Balfour and Frisby, Helmuth von Moltke, 96).
110. It was in the summer of 1940 that Moltke began systematically assembling
