was on their side because he could empathize with their sufferings. Hendricks (2006) explains that Jesus was not meek and mild with blue eyes; rather, he vehemently opposed the power structures of his day that were guilty of oppression and subjugation. Jesus spoke loudly, turned over tables, and taught others how to fight against Roman oppression.
Hendricks expounds:
To say that Jesus was a political revolutionary is to say that the message he proclaimed not only called for change in individual hearts but also demanded sweeping and comprehensive change in the political, social, and economic structures in his setting in life: colonized Israel. It means that if Jesus had had his way, the Roman Empire and the ruling elites among his own people either would no longer have held their positions of power, or if they did, would have had to conduct themselves very, very differently. It means that an important goal of his ministry was to radically change the distribution of authority and power, goods and resources, so all people—particularly the little people, or “the least of these,” as Jesus called them—might have lives free of political repression, enforced hunger and poverty, and undue insecurity. It means that Jesus sought not only to heal people’s pain but also to inspire and empower people to remove the unjust social and political structures that too often were the cause of their pain. It means that Jesus had a clear and unambiguous vision of the healthy world that God intended and that he addressed any issue—social, economic, or political—that violated that vision. (loc. 104).
Another framework to help guide my research is the liberation theology of Latin American theologian Gustavo Gutierrez (1983), which he expounded upon in his book Power of the Poor in History. He believed very strongly in Jesus as a liberator for and on the side of the poor. Gutierrez argued that the Bible must be interpreted through the life experiences of the poor, with the understanding that the gospels were written with the poor in mind. And Jesus was orchestrating and acting throughout history to intervene favorably on their behalf.
His idea that one interprets the Bible based on one’s socialized experiences is directly relatable to Biko’s ideas about Christianity as being different in how it is understood, preached, and lived by whites and blacks in South Africa. Therefore, with Biko, among whites and blacks, there are different life experiences and different ways of understanding and interpreting the Bible. To establish this perspective, Gutierrez (1983) states in his book Power of the Poor in History:
We reinterpret the Bible, from the viewpoint of our own world—from our personal experience as human beings, as believers, and as a church. This approach is more radical. It goes more to the roots of what the Bible actually is, more to the essence of God’s revelation in history and of God’s judgment on it. (p. 4)
For Gutierrez (1983), God came to liberate the poor and oppressed. Liberation theology to him was radical, situational, and used to empower and free the oppressed. The Bible was to be interpreted and lived based upon the liberating message of Jesus Christ. Justice practiced in favor of the poor was the true sign of belief in Jesus. To oppress, enslave, hate, and perpetuate any type of injustice in society was sinful and an indication of a knowledge of Jesus. In his words:
One must keep in mind that the God of the Bible is a God who not only governs history, but who orientates it in the direction of establishment of justice and right. He is more than a provident God. He is a God who takes sides with the poor and liberates them from slavery and oppression. (p. 7)
Furthermore:
To sin—not to love, not to know, Yahweh—is to create relationships of injustice, to make an option for oppression and against liberation. Still worse, if persons feign a belief in Yahweh, and proclaim that he is in their midst, the truth will come out in their practice with regard to the poor. (Referenced Micah 3:9–12, p. 9)
Gutierrez’s theological and philosophical views regarding oppression and racism are very useful in analyzing and arguing that Biko had two different views of Christianity. Along with other activists, theologians, and philosophers from around the world, Biko’s black consciousness ideology highlighted and raised questions of what true Christianity and justice were in South Africa and throughout the world. These theoretical frameworks were pivotal in guiding my research in understanding the necessity and existence of black theology and its practice among black South Africans to counteract a Christianity that supported apartheid, as expressed by Biko’s rhetoric in the Black Consciousness Movement.
Also, in the Latin American world, there is Paulo Freire (1970), who—in his popular book, Pedagogy of the Oppressed—analyzes the teaching methods to be instituted to liberate oppressed people from poverty and from the bondage of the oppressor. He focuses on helping marginalized people come to a new awareness or consciousness of their existence and power to overcome oppression. While the book is not necessarily focused on one’s spirituality, it does focus on the importance of mental enlightenment that is necessary in viewing oneself in relationship to others, with an understanding of the power to change one’s circumstances and define one’s purpose within them.
Freire’s (1970) concepts centered on liberation theologies and philosophies that constitute useful and helpful grids through which better understandings and analyses of Biko’s thought and practice can be generated. Historical events and cultural norms based upon the theories of Hendricks and Cone help understand why Biko identified a separate black and white Christianity but proclaimed a message that addressed them both.
Assumptions
This research assumes that Biko admired the core truth of Christianity but not its oppressive application by whites toward blacks within a colonial and apartheid South African context. It equally assumes that Biko’s mission was to proclaim and personify a holistic message of liberation inclusive of economics, politics, and religion by incorporating and repurposing black theology and black power within a South African black consciousness paradigm, which was influential in the emergence and development of the Black Consciousness Movement. Further, the research assumes that due to the socioeconomic and political situation of oppressed blacks under the apartheid regime, there was an environment or platform that was conducive to the emergence of black theology on African soil in contrast to its prevalent white missionary theology.
Consequently, certain types of value systems or ethics within two different interpretations of Christianity resulted in perceiving and advocating on behalf of blacks in antithetical ways. Given the unfinished struggles of black people, there is still a need for black consciousness in the spirit and practice of Biko to help liberate black people whether in South Africa or other parts of the world. Lastly, it assumes that there are several aspects of Biko’s life that closely resemble those of Jesus Christ’s, not in the divine position of Christ, but as a human being who suffered for trying to restore the people’s hope in God and create a more equitable society through civil disobedience.
Scope and Limitations
The scope of this research is limited to a critical analysis of the ways Biko perceived and practiced Christianity in South Africa during his activist years, the 1960s and 1970s. It examines and analyzes certain aspects of the rhetoric and practice of the black consciousness movement and how theological principles helped shape Biko’s ideology and practice of black liberation and struggle against a brand of white Christianity that hinders the progress and the spiritual, economic, social, and political freedom of blacks. As such, the present project is not an exhaustive study of the Black Consciousness Movement and apartheid in South Africa, and black theology, African theology, and black power in the United States. Neither does it focus on all the leaders and participants in these movements. Furthermore, the study would have benefited tremendously from extended field research in South Africa. Consequently, limited resources and time constraints gave primarily the option of library research.
Significance of the Study and Anticipated Contributions
The extant scholarly and popular literature on Biko, black consciousness, apartheid, black
