and resources it required. Using prefabricated pontoon bridges (built at enormous expense) he moved across central Scotland and from there to Kinloss on the Moray Firth, which he reached in September. Returning to southern Scotland he stayed at Dunfermline Abbey while his forces were kept in the field until, on the 22 December, the Scots signalled they were willing to negotiate for peace.
On 19 January, 1304, terms were agreed between the two sides. The senior Scottish leaders were treated leniently but Edward summoned a parliament to meet at St Andrews to commence discussions on the full incorporation of the country. This time he determined to bring Scottish nobles into the process and in September 1305 ten Scottish representatives joined twenty-one English officials to draft a new constitution. In accordance with a new legal code, the land – no longer a realm – was to be ruled by a lieutenant appointed by the English king aided by a chancellor and chamberlain.
From the time of his submission early in 1302 Bruce was used by Edward I to help him conquer Scotland, but although Bruce was careful to convince the English king of his loyalty, in reality he offered little more than lip service and displayed scarcely anything of the military brilliance evident in his later years. He seemed determined to contribute nothing more than was absolutely necessary against his native country. For instance, in March 1302 he assured the monks of Melrose Abbey that he would not bring out his ‘army of Carrick’ again for his own purposes ‘unless the whole realm is raised for its defence, when all inhabitants are bound to serve’. In other words he would not bring his men out in support of Edward I.3 During Edward’s twin-pronged invasion of Scotland in 1303 Bruce’s role was limited to serving as Sheriff of Lanark and Ayr and acting as keeper of the castle there, hardly a demanding one for a gifted young leader.4 During the spring of 1304, when the English king asked him to forward siege engines for Edward’s planned assault on Stirling Castle he did so, but omitted to send a vital piece of machinery without which they could not function.5 Following an order from the king to provide troops for the siege he wrote to him explaining his difficulties in doing so.6
In March 1304 Bruce, together with Sir John Seagrave, was ordered to lead a mounted raid on William Wallace and Simon Fraser in Selkirk forest, which was singularly unsuccessful, for while some of their followers were taken, both leaders were alerted to the raid and escaped. This earned Bruce a surprisingly gentle scolding from the king with the words, ‘as the cloak is well made, also make the hood’.7
Shortly afterwards on 21 April Bruce’s father died and there was now no question that the Bruce claims to the throne depended upon him. With his past record and strong ambitions he was playing a highly dangerous role but until late 1305 it appeared to be working. In spite of a secret compact to help Bruce gain the crown of Scotland made between him and Bishop William Lamberton at Cambuskenneth Abbey during the siege of Stirling Castle from May to July 1304, Bruce succeeded in remaining Edward’s favoured son. The written part of the Cambuskenneth compact included the enigmatic clause, ‘that neither of them should undertake any important business without the other of them’. This was accompanied by a spoken agreement that Bruce would assume the Scottish throne following Edward’s death. Meanwhile Edward’s grants to Bruce continued; he made him guardian to the young Earl of Mar, a concession that allowed Bruce effective control of the extensive Mar estates along the Scottish northeast coast, together with the castle of Kildrummy. In March 1305, Bruce was granted the Umfraville lands in Carrick and enjoyed a leading role in advising Edward I on the feasibility of his proposals concerning the government of Scotland.
After October 1305 things changed markedly. While Edward I was seriously ill (and not expected to recover), according to the Scottish chroniclers Bruce made a daring proposal to his rival John Comyn. If John Comyn would be prepared to help Bruce become king of Scotland he would receive all Bruce’s estates and if, on the other hand, Comyn gave Bruce his estates Bruce would undertake to support him for the crown. It is difficult to believe that Bruce would keep his word to help a man he disliked so heartily to gain the throne but Barbour – always sympathetic to Bruce – had Comyn opting for the additional estates rather than the crown and even signing an agreement between them to this effect.8 On the other hand, although the English chronicler Walter of Guisborough also has Bruce contacting Comyn he maintained it was after Bruce had fled from the English court and followed the visit by Bruce’s two brothers, Thomas and Neil (sometimes called Nigel), to Comyn’s castle at Dalswinton with a request for Comyn to meet him at the Greyfriars Church, Dumfries, to discuss certain business, most likely the placing of Bruce on the Scottish throne.9
To everyone’s surprise Edward I quickly recovered and, with the capture of Wallace, certain documents were found which, while not directly incriminating Bruce, served to confirm his ambitions for the crown of Scotland. Edward’s attitude towards him cooled markedly and in September he ordered Bruce to place Kildrummy Castle into the hands of someone ‘for whom he would be responsible’, and Umfraville’s lands were returned to their original owner.
Any trace of friendly relationship still remaining between the king and Bruce was destroyed when, according to the Scottish sources, John Comyn told Edward I of Bruce’s plotting against him, even informing him about their mutual covenant concerning the throne of Scotland and undertook to produce the document signed and sealed by Bruce as proof.10 Edward decided to wait until he had the evidence and took pains not to arouse Bruce’s suspicions about the altered situation but, one evening when he had taken a large measure of wine, the king let slip he intended to arrest Bruce the next day and try him for treason. Among his guests was Raoul de Monthermer, Earl of Gloucester, a long-standing friend of the Bruces, who sent the keeper of his wardrobe to Bruce with twelve pence and a pair of spurs. The coins carried the king’s head and no doubt implied being sold or betrayed while the spurs clearly indicated the need for haste.11 The two men must have agreed on the signal beforehand for Bruce returned the twelve pence with his thanks and, after telling his staff he was not to be disturbed, took a squire for escort and leaving London, rode by day and night to Scotland. One Scottish chronicler, Fordun, even had them meeting a Scotsman travelling south to England whose suspicious conduct caused them to search him and find a letter from John Comyn enclosing the bond supporting Bruce’s bid for the Scottish throne.
Five days after leaving the English court Bruce reached his family at Lochmaben and told them what had happened. By chance the local magnates, including John Comyn, were attending sessions held by English justiciars at neighbouring Dumfries and Bruce sent word for the Comyn to meet him in Greyfriars’ Kirk there. There are conflicting versions of how their conversation went on 10 February 1306. The English chronicler Sir Thomas Grey said that after traditional words of greeting Bruce turned on Comyn and accused him of betraying him, while Guisborough – no lover of Bruce – has John Comyn refusing to listen to Bruce’s planned treason against Edward I.
Whatever was said there was a quarrel, daggers were drawn and the Comyn fell wounded on the steps of the altar.12 Comyn’s uncle, Sir Robert Comyn, struck Bruce with his sword but Bruce’s armour deflected it and Sir Robert was killed by Christopher Seton, Bruce’s brother-in-law. As Bruce came out of the church there is a strong tradition that another of his followers, Roger Kirkpatrick, asked what had happened and, being told he returned to the church and made sure John Comyn was dead.
Whether or not Bruce killed, rather than wounded, the Comyn is intriguing but not important. Responsibility for Roger Kirkpatrick’s actions rested with his master. In any event the murder was most unlikely to have been pre-planned. In medieval times a strong contender for the throne would never deliberately commit both murder and sacrilege. Undoubtedly Bruce and Comyn hated each other and if Comyn had alerted Edward to Bruce’s projected bid to be king and had caused him to flee from England these were even more reasons for a heated exchange to take place between them. Both were young, powerful and proud men and they had already come to blows over William Wallace.
Whatever the reasons the murder in the Greyfriars’ church committed Bruce irrevocably to the Scottish patriotic camp and caused him to face the justifiable anger of a failing but still
