in all Kalimantan provinces. Campbell, who was virtually in the process of packing to leave and return to his parents’ home in Washington State, was immediately galvanized into action. The enormity of such a push into Indonesian Borneo was a geologist’s dream come true. Without hesitation, he cancelled his flight and went about securing documentation that would enable him to remain in the country legally. Campbell then approached the Indonesian Institute of Mines in Bandung and offered his services on the basis that they provided him with the necessary permits, the quid pro quo being that he would make himself available as an unpaid, consulting geologist for a few hours each month. The Bandung director agreed, and the American established his offices in Jakarta the following week.
Stewart Campbell could not have made his move at a more appropriate time. Indonesia’s reputation as a viable, resource-rich destination for international, general exploration companies exploded onto the world mining stage with Freeport’s staggering copper and gold discoveries, in Irian Jaya. Jakarta’s hotels were overrun with waves of Canadian, American and Australian-based carpetbaggers touting offers to ignorant concession holders, often securing valuable mining rights from unwitting, indigenous owners in exchange for worthless paper scrip issued by nickel-and-dime, foreign, publicly listed companies. Although there were many genuine foreign operators prospecting areas throughout the archipelago, their numbers were heavily peppered with ‘Second Board’ entrepreneurs whose capital base could barely cover the costs of their overseas visits, let alone support any commitment to mine viable projects. Word spread across the nation to isolated communities in Sulawesi, Irian, Kalimantan, and Sumatra, from Sabang to Merauke and a flood of hopeful, provincial concession holders poured into the capital in eager search of foreign partners. Most held simple, thumbprint-signed documentation issued only at village level asserting their claim over small, traditional plots whilst others, working in conjunction with local officials, carried letters from higher up the food chain, often signed by provincial governors.
At the time, Campbell had been vociferous in his concerns with the gold-rush mentality and the central government’s ambitious agenda to attract foreign miners at almost any cost. His condemnation of the system that stripped traditional owners of their rights by transferring these through a maze of middlemen, corrupt government officials and influential military groups only to be surrendered to foreign brokers, made Stewart Campbell unpopular amongst his expatriate peers. Not-so-disguised threats filtered down through the Mines Department suggesting that his appointment to the Institute should be revoked. The Director immediately instructed Campbell to refrain from making further statements and the American agreed, acknowledging that his tenure and legal residency were dependent on the institute’s goodwill.
Thereafter, he observed in dismay as large tracts of land were resumed for direct investment leaving traditional owners sidelined with little, if any, compensation. Tens of thousands of square kilometers were contracted to foreign miners, whose financial standing was obviously questionable, the necessary due diligence checks easily avoided in an environment where corruption ruled. Flamboyant directors steered their stockholders into relationships and commitments that would have attracted considerable rebuke by their own country’s monitoring authorities, had such activities been undertaken at home. Around Jakarta’s mushrooming bars such as the George and Dragon and The Eastern Promise language changed, adapting new terminology to expatriates’ lexicons. ‘Farm In’ and ‘Farm Out’, ‘Contracts of Work’, ‘Diamond’ and ‘Core Drilling’ virtually became mandatory vocabulary for one to participate in any bar dialogue as the number of opportunists grew, and deals were struck in the smoke-filled drinking holes.
Although unpopular with the brokers, Stewart Campbell’s consultancy grew exponentially to the surge in mining activity, his clients, mainly American interests, keen to evaluate leases on offer by smaller, and under-capitalized corporations, clearly incapable of developing the concessions they had acquired.
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Campbell ’s driver pulled to an abrupt halt with an apologetic look, his concerned eyes scanning the internal rear-vision mirror for his Tuan’s response. Unexpectedly, a military convoy had punched through the mid-morning traffic, lead motorcycles’ sirens signaling their intrusion, demanding passage and access to the Senayan Sports Complex where elements of TNI, the Indonesian Armed Forces, were assembling in preparation for the Heroes’ Day parade. On his left, he could see lines of light tanks, AMX-13s, PT-76s and Scorpions. Saladin and Ferret reconnaissance vehicles were scattered amongst a large number of the Army’s APCs – Saracens, Commando Rangers and Stormers were prominent. And, above the Asian Games Complex, a squadron of BO-105 helicopters practised maneuvers for the big day.
Campbell sat in quiet repose as his vehicle continued down the main protocol road, Jalan Jenderal Sudirman, reflecting on how Indonesia’s brutal, military-controlled government had so firmly ensconced itself under President Suharto’s guardianship. He had learned that, in order to succeed in this country, one required access to all echelons within the TNI military and political machine, as the armed forces had developed extensive business interests across the nation, penetrating all sectors of the economy – the mining sector amongst the more recent to attract the generals’ interest. Once General Suharto had assumed power in a coup d’etat in 1966, the Javanese and Sumatran generals had set about monopolizing the Indonesian economy, forging working relationships with Chinese cukongs who were only too eager to share in the spoils. Using foundations as their guise, senior officers accumulated great wealth, the stars on their shoulders guaranteeing their fortunes.
Stewart Campbell accepted that the country had benefited under Suharto. Literacy had climbed dramatically, longevity increased, family planning programs had been implemented and infrastructure projects all provided a standard of living unknown during the Soekarno years. Nevertheless, the increased levels of disposable income had come at a price. The dictatorial president’s family’s domination of all commercial activity resulted in project cost being inflated to compensate for massive commission payments to the First Family, their wealth estimated in the tens of billions of dollars as the national debt spiraled out of control. The First Lady was irreverently referred to as Madame Ten Percent, and not because her given name was Tien. Charities and foundations chaired by Madame Tien played an integral role in the gathering processes, collecting fees and siphoning off funds for vested-interest projects. Suharto’s sons and daughters led the charge in gutting the economy, their greed only exceeded by their arrogance as their power and wealth grew to incredible proportions. Nepotism was alive and well in Indonesia and Campbell accepted that, to survive, it was essential that he address the situation pragmatically, as had the Chinese.
He was reminded that the Chinese had been targeted during the 1965-66 anti-communist sweeps across the nation when more than half a million Indonesians died, surprised how the collective memory of those murderous times failed to identify current trends. Campbell, conscious of the growing groundswell of indigenous anti-Chinese sentiment, believed it inevitable that history would repeat itself. The disparity between rich and poor was growing at an alarming rate, the powerful, pribumi Islamic parties becoming more outspoken in the mosques.
Under the New Order’s patronage, new dynasties were created, cukong families such as the Lims and Riyadis enjoying a meteoric rise in their fortunes and global influence; Mochtar Riyadi’s son James, a frequent visitor to Governor Clinton’s offices where he assisted to fill the future president’s coffers with re-election campaign funds. Ranches, banks, condominiums, hotels and casinos in Australia, New Zealand, Singapore and the United States felt the hand of Jakarta’s nouvea riche Chinese as they galloped down the international acquisition trail. And, within Indonesia, steel and flourmills, cement plants, television broadcast licenses, timber concessions, textile factories, car assembly and even electric power plants were delivered to those favored by the family living in Jalan Cendana.
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Campbell ’s cell-phone dragged him out of his reverie.
‘Thought
