believe that introductions are not necessary?’ The Counsellor commenced as all present had attended such meetings together over time. ‘With your permission, Ambassador, we’ll ask Special Envoy Meyers to commence.’
The ambassador nodded affirmatively and Jonathan Meyers assumed the floor.
‘Gentlemen,’ he commenced, abandoning the customary acknowledgement to the ambassador. ‘On behalf of the Minister I wish to offer some insight as to how Canberra will proceed in support of Indonesia’s imminent assumption of sovereignty over West Papua.’
Without referring to notes, Meyer reminded those present of events which, over the previous months clearly reflected Indonesia’s determination to have its way.
‘When this country’s Foreign Affairs Minister Adam Malik declared that the “one man, one vote system” proposed by the United Nations was impractical and therefore not acceptable, one could say that this was the opening round in Indonesia’s more militant stance in securing the outcome over West Papua that we had previously wished to avoid. As you are aware, last month our ambassador challenged Adam Malik on if it were true that he had accused Australia of establishing training camps in Papua New Guinea close to the shared border with West Papua. Although Malik rescinded his earlier statement he did, nevertheless, suggest that such a development to be of concern to his government. ‘Part of my brief today is to confirm that we are, in fact, continuing to covertly expand our military presence directly along the shared border area, in response to the increased number of Indonesian military incursions into our mandated territory of New Guinea.’
None of the three defence attachés so much as raised an eyebrow, aware of the Australian Special Forces jungle-warfare training camps in the New Guinea highlands. SAS presence had commenced along the border earlier that decade when Indonesia had unofficially declared war against neighbouring states, dragging Australian troops into direct confrontation with Indonesia’s finest. SAS soldiers also undertook intensive training in the tropical environment to provide assimilation opportunities prior to taking up operations in Borneo and Vietnam. The attachés never discussed the black ops conducted by the SAS which often required cross-border search and destroy missions, resulting in deep penetration into Indonesian territory. Armed with the knowledge that border delineation both with Malaysia and New Guinea had never been clearly defined, in the unlikely event that SAS elements were captured, they were instructed to claim that they were not aware that they were on Indonesian soil.
‘Documented reports demonstrate that the Indonesians remained determined to ignore our objections to their military incursions into New Guinea. In April, fifteen uniformed Indonesian soldiers followed a group of West Papuan refugees to Wutung, firing at the Patrol Post constabulary who later reported several of the refugees being killed in the skirmish.’
‘And these attacks will continue unless we take them to task,’ the Army Attaché interrupted.
‘No doubt,’ Meyer affirmed. ‘The very reason we are beefing up our SAS presence along the border.’ Those present were all too familiar with the extremely arduous treks SAS troops endured across the New Guinea highlands, their presence not only a flag-raising demonstration but ostensibly a deterrent, as Australia was still responsible for New Guinea’s security. ‘As we see it, the mobilisation of additional forces will be revisited once the outcome of the Act of Free Choice has been accepted internationally which, hopefully, will result in a cessation of any further incursions.’
The three military attachés glanced at each other, unconvinced. Jonathan Meyers’ words were destined to return and haunt the next generation of Australian soldiers.
* * * *
One hundred miles north of the Indonesian capital, Jakarta, the modified long-range Boeing 707 Air Force One’s crew signaled to President Nixon’s aides that they would be making their final approach within the next minutes. An attendant moved swiftly through the aircraft and stopped at an appropriate distance before addressing the leader of the Free World.
‘Excuse me, Mister President,’ she smiled broadly, ‘the captain has advised that we shall be landing shortly.’ Nixon nodded without eye contact and returned to his notes prepared by Henry Kissinger, who had, only minutes before, completed his final briefing on the Republic of Indonesia.
President Nixon’s eyebrows squeezed together in a frown as he recalled Kissinger’s specific comments. He mentally revisited these, his adviser’s words coming back to mind; “General Suharto is a moderate military man, committed to progress and reform. When in discussion with Suharto you should not raise the issue of the West Irian plebiscite except to respond if Suharto mentions the territory. You need to demonstrate that the US is sympathetic to Indonesia’s concerns.”
Jet-lagged yet only partly into his Asia tour which would take him across SE Asia into Vietnam before returning to Washington, the furrows of Nixon’s wrinkled face deepened, lost in geo-political confusion. ‘What the hell has Iran got to do with this fellow Suharto?’ he had asked the US National Security Adviser.
The President did not detect Kissinger’s inaudible sigh. ‘Irian, Dick, not Iran. The Indonesians call West New Guinea, West Irian.’
Despite being advised of Indonesia’s real intentions and the obvious flaws evident in the Act of Free Choice, Nixon agreed with Kissinger’s position that it was imperative for the US not to create obstacles for the Indonesians. Since the Washington-Jakarta rapprochement following Suharto’s successful coup d’état, Kissinger knew the US was on the path for the Suharto-regime becoming increasingly pro-United States.
The recently elected president looked out the cabin window as the Boeing banked — his first imagery of the world’s largest Moslem country spread out below prompting the question in his mind. ‘How could this bankrupt nation be capable of paying for the military hardware they would undoubtedly require, to maintain their sovereignty over the fractious archipelagic nation?’
* * * *
West Irian (West Papua)
The Plebiscite — The Act of No Choice
1969
Widespread rebellions erupted across the Western Central Highlands with the potential to jeopardize the integrity of the imminent voting process. Indonesia responded by increasing its military presence. In April, one hundred Papuan police mutinied and joined the Free Papuan Movement, OPM.
General Sarwo Edhie, the territory’s Indonesian military commander, came under fire when his plane flew over the area. Livid at the audacity of the attack the General responded in the same bloody manner as he had in the aftermath of the failed Communist takeover in 1965. Ordering his forces to punish the OPM to the extreme, B-26 bombers strafed hamlets, and paratroopers from West Java were flown in to sweep the territory clean of all resistance. However, superior numbers and weaponry failed to break the Papuan spirit and the Indonesian counter attack faltered with nationalist demonstrations flaring on all fronts.
* * * *
In an isolated enclave dominated by snow covered peaks, dusk passed. Darkness now masked the permanent mantel of clouded forest and verdant, fluorescent-green landscape, blanketing valleys below. Plumes snaked lazily from open timber-fuelled fires, flames illuminating the communal centre where ageing, betel-stained-teeth women gathered to watch barefooted children play. Surrounded by oak-brown thatched huts, young men sat within earshot of their elders, shoulders wrapped against the brisk highland air as they listened intently to Tomas Karma who had come to confer with the tribal council.
