Polish Ministry of Information, The Quest for German Blood, 8. See also other ministry publications: German Invasion; Black Book; German New Order.
33. This refers not only to the Nuremberg trials, but also the Eichmann trial and especially those conducted in Poland.
34. Trials of War Criminals, 5:129.
35. Ibid., 5:132.
36. Ibid., 4:624.
37. Koehl, RKFDV, 3. On the re-Germanization program, see ibid., 123. His accounts of the DVL and the UWZs were quite cursory, see ibid., 104–7, 119–21, and 139–41. The book drew on several of his earlier articles, for example, Koehl, “Colonialism inside Germany,” “Politics of Resettlement,” and “Deutsche Volksliste in Poland.” Here also Broszat, Nationalsozialistische Polenpolitik, 86–90 and 95–96. Two years later, Broszat embedded this study in a broader outline of modern German-Polish relations, Zweihundert Jahre deutsche Polenpolitik.
38. A good example of this is Broszat’s accounts of the DVL, which always become fuzzy in its concrete activities on the ground (such as his account of the DVL’s founding in the Wartheland, which he wrongly attributed to the local Sicherheitsdienst) and Broszat also gives no details of its selection practices (Broszat, Nationalsozialistische Polenpolitik, 115).
39. See the multivolume Dokumentation der Vertreibung der Deutschen aus Ost-Mitteleuropa (Documentation of the expulsion of Germans from east central Europe), published by West Germany’s Federal Ministry for Displaced Persons (under Minister Theodor Oberländer), and compiled by a commission that included Werner Conze, Theodor Schieder, and Hans Rothfels. This documentation project brought together people who knew each other when they used their scholarly arguments first to justify German supremacy in Eastern Europe and then during wartime to offer direct support to Nazi population policy (with the exception of Rothfels, who was forced into exile), even—as in the case of Oberländer—helping to impose it with gun in hand. On the various individuals, see Haar and Fahlbusch, Handbuch der völkischen Wissenschaften.
40. See, for example, Frensing, Umsiedlung der Gottscheer Deutschen; Loeber, Diktierte Option; von Hehn, Umsiedlung der baltischen Deutschen; Jachomowski, Umsiedlung der Bessarabien-, Bukowina- und Dobrudschadeutschen; Stossun, Umsiedlung der Deutschen aus Litauen; Döring, Umsiedlung der Wolhyniendeutschen.
41. Jachomowski, Umsiedlung der Bessarabien-, Bukowina- und Dobrudschadeutschen, 137.
42. For example, the Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni Niemieckich w Polsce (Central Commission for the Investigation of German Crimes in Poland, founded by Poland’s Ministry of Justice), the Instytut Zachodni (Western Institute) in Poznań, and the Instytut Śląski (Silesian Institute) in Opole (formerly in Katowice). These organizations released several volumes of reprinted source materials, which were often the only way for Western researchers to access the holdings of Polish archives. Of particular importance here are the multivolume Documenta Occupationis Teutonicae from the Western Institute and the Biuletyn of the Central Commission. Similarly important are the journals of the Western Institute, such as its flagship Przegląd Zachodni, whose offshoot was soon published in English, French, and German. See also the journals Studia Historica Slavo-Germanica and Studia Historiae Oeconomicae from Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, which published articles in various languages and became important conduits for knowledge transfer between Polish and international scholars. For a general overview, see Czubiński, “Polnische historiographie des Zweiten Weltkrieges”; Haubold-Stolle, “Imaginative Nationalisierung.”
43. For example, see Hadler, “Drachen und Drachentöter.”
44. Izdebski, Niemiecka lista narodowa. For example, the Bishop of Katowice, Stanisław Adamski, encouraged his German-speaking clergy and parishioners to enroll in the DVL as a way to protect them against the feared negative consequences and saw this as not a “betrayal” but a “defense” of Polish identity in difficult times, see Adamski, Pogląd na rozwój sprawy narodowościowej, 17. See also the article by Adamski’s personal secretary, Romuald Rak, “Deutsche Volksliste.”
45. Scholarly interest shifted in subsequent years more toward the postwar reintegration of DVL Section 3 and 4 members into Polish society. See, for example, Boda-Krężel, Sprawa volkslisty; Romaniuk, Podzwonne okupacji; Stryjkowski, Położenie osób wpisanych. One exception is Dzieciński, Łódż w cieniu swastyki, whose study of Łódź under German occupation also contains a relatively detailed section on the wartime DVL, including a short description of its selection criteria.
46. Czubiński, “Poland’s Place in Nazi Plans,” 21. This debate was triggered by Pospieszalski, “Hitlerowska polemika,” and Madajczyk, Generalplan Ost. For an attempt to relate the deportations conducted in the Wartheland and especially in the General Government to the evolving General Plan, see Marczewski, Hitlerowska koncepcja, 263–78. Around the same time in West Germany, scholars like Helmut Heiber downplayed the General Plan as the “daydreams” of German bureaucrats drunk on power (Heiber, “Dokumentation: Der Generalplan Ost”). But in East Germany, this discussion resulted in an eight-volume series (begun a year before the Berlin Wall fell and completed in unified Germany) on Nazi occupation policy, in which the authors likewise assigned great significance to the General Plan (Schumann and Nestler, Europa unterm Hakenkreuz). In 1994, Czesław Madajczyk finally put out a compilation of original source materials on the General Plan for the East, uniting all the versions found until that point, along with submitted commentaries by various other bodies (Madajczyk, Vom Generalplan Ost zum Generalsiedlungsplan).
47. On genocide and its implementation in Poland, see Lemkin, Axis Rule, 79–81.
48. For precisely such sentiments, see, for example, Datner, Gumkowski, and Leszczyński, Genocide 1939–1945, 41; Łuczak, Polityka ludnościowa i ekonomiczna, 29; Marczewski, “Nazi Nationality Policy,” 33; Marczewski, “Hitlerowska polityka narodowościowa,” 59; Chrzanowski, “Wypędzenia z Pomorza.” This discussion was continued more recently by two US historians: Lukas, Forgotten Holocaust; Piotrowski, Poland’s Holocaust. Here, see also Dobroszycki, “Polish Historiography.”
49. Marczewski, Hitlerowska koncepcja, 248. Marczewski is atypical in his assertion that the Germans did not invade Poland with a preformulated occupation plan. He does, however, believe that one was completed within the first few months of the occupation (see ibid., 11), an interpretation that does not really allow enough space for the evolutionary changes seen in German occupation policy. Marczewski is also more explicit than others in emphasizing the differences in Nazi population policy that separated the Wartheland from the other two provinces of annexed western Poland; see ibid., 11 and 253.
50. Madajczyk, Okkupationspolitik Nazideutschlands. This is an adapted German translation of his two-volume study Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce.
51. Madajczyk, “Zur Besatzungspolitik der Achsenmächte,” 304.
52. Instead of a “deideologization” of historiography, it would probably be more accurate to describe it as an ideological shift. Especially among East German and Polish historians, one can see that the prehistory of the war, the Soviet Union’s relationship with the Reich, and the even the implementation of antisemitic policies, had now acquired a very different meaning. At the same time, the collapse of “actually existing socialism” put into question all Marxist-inspired historiographies, leading to, for example, a regional revival of totalitarianism theory, which had been rejected for good reason: see Wippermann, Totalitarismustheorien; Roth, Geschichtsrevisionismus.
53.
