is a constant struggle for community organizers, given the intentional and voluntary nature of affiliation. Later in this chapter we describe some of the challenges that community organizers face in maintaining robust participation. Other studies of youth engagement with digital media indicate that, unlike those in our study, most are not inclined to take an active role in online affinity networks (Ito et al. 2010; Livingstone and Sefton-Green 2016). In particular, young people growing up in less tech-savvy families are much less likely to actively contribute to online affinity networks (Martin, forthcoming). Our study seeks to identify the characteristics of young people who counter this trend so that we can design programs that guide a wider range of young people to these opportunities.
As more and more young people go online, smartphones spread, and online affinity networks proliferate, we can expect that they will become more central to how young people socialize, learn, and pursue interests. In our earlier Digital Youth study (Ito et al. 2010), based on fieldwork in 2006–2007, teens described a stigma associated with meeting new friends online—the pull of local relationships and the status and social capital derived from local place-based friendships exerted a much stronger influence on their online participation than online affinity networks. This dynamic may be changing, however. Our current study focused on active participants in online affinity networks, so it is not surprising that they were comfortable with making online friends through affinity groups. More recent survey research indicates that online friendships have become commonplace, so norms may be shifting. The majority of U.S. teens now say they have met a new friend online (Lenhart et al. 2015). The role of online affinity networks likely is growing in young people’s lives.
Shared Culture and Knowledge
At the heart of any affinity network is a set of shared interests, identities, culture, and values that bind participants together. While online affinity networks exist for every imaginable interest area, our cases suggest they may be particularly active and robust for groups that are specialized, lack a critical mass in local communities, and hold to high standards of knowledge and expertise. In other words, people tend to congregate in online affinity networks when they want to geek out with others who are fellow enthusiasts, and when they lack these relationships in their offline lives. They often feel a particularly profound sense of belonging to these groups because of this shared niche culture and identity.
For example, a shared interest in both fiber crafting and Harry Potter is a niche combination that lacks a critical mass in most local communities but is a magnet for more than 1,000 participants to connect on Ravelry (see the Hogwarts at Ravelry case study at the end of chapter 4). “We all belong here,” said Amazon, a white 28-year-old based in Cleveland and a member of Hogwarts at Ravelry. Her description of why she loves Hogwarts at Ravelry captures how a shared passion for a niche interest binds members of an online affinity network. “The camaraderie and instant friendship, especially in your own house, though inter-house love is also prevalent. I can talk to someone I’ve never met before and because of the history inherent at Hogwarts, we’ve passed each other in the halls [of our virtual school] a thousand times. We go to the same charms class. We know the same lingo, share the same inside jokes.”
Amazon describes the unique pleasure of sharing cultural context and insider references with others with shared tastes, passions, and expertise. These shared cultural elements are important to creating, enriching, and sustaining relationships (Fine 1979). Rich content worlds such as the Harry Potter series offer a trove of specialized knowledge that provides ample fodder for geeking out and social organizing by engaged fan communities (Jenkins 2012).
Anime fandom exhibits a similar dynamic. Although anime has become a popular “meganiche” (Shirky 2006) outside of Japan, the breadth of content and fan activity means that the online world supports a wide range of highly specialized affinity networks within the fandom. The anime music video (AMV) scene is one such niche, a network that centers on the specific practices of video remix within the broader anime fandom (see the Animemusicvideos.org case study at the end of chapter 3). Gepetto,2 an 18-year-old from Brazil who had been an anime fan for some time, describes the moment when he first discovered AMVs. He was shocked to realize that the AMV was created by “a fan just like me.” As he recounts this memory, he continues, “Actually, my heart is racing right now just remembering. Of course, I’m a weird person but it’s still racing.” After discovering AMVs, Gepetto went on to become an active participant in animemusicvideos.org, a center of gravity for the AMV community. “I love the forums, I love the chats, I love answering questions and having mine answered in turn. I could spend 24 hours straight discussing AMVs without so much as a coffee break.” His ongoing interest and engagement are fueled by the shared referents and connoisseurship of anime, as well as the deep technical expertise around video remixing that is discussed in the forums.
A pursuit of expertise also fuels networks built around competitive esports such as StarCraft II. StarCraft II represents a highly tuned arena for players and fans to compete and strive for excellence (see the end of chapter 1
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