constrain canons and beneficiaries to give acquittances to their farmers. Then, from house to house, with club in hand, they oblige some to hand over money, others to abandon their claims on their debtors, "one to desist from criminal proceedings, another to nullify a decree obtained, a third to reimburse the expenses of a lawsuit gained years before, a father to give his consent to the marriage of his son."—All their grievances are brought to mind, and we all know the tenacity of a peasant's memory. Having become the master, he redresses wrongs, and especially those of which he thinks himself the object. There must be a general restitution; and first, of the feudal dues which have been collected. They take of M. de Montmeyan's business agent all the money he has as compensation for that received by him during fifteen years as a notary. A former consul of Brignolles had, in 1775, inflicted penalties to the amount of 1,500 or 1,800 francs, which had been given to the poor; this sum is taken from his strong box. Moreover, if consuls and law officers are wrongdoers, the title deeds, rent-rolls, and other documents by which they do their business are still worse. To the fire with all old writings—not only office registers, but also, at Hyères, all the papers in the town hall and those of the principal notary.—In the matter of papers none are good but new ones—those which convey some discharge, quittance, or obligation to the advantage of the people. At Brignolles the owners of the gristmills are constrained to execute a contract of sale by which they convey their mills to the commune in consideration of 5,000 francs per annum, payable in ten years without interest—an arrangement which ruins them. On seeing the contract signed the peasants shout and cheer, and so great is their faith in this piece of stamped paper that they at once cause a mass of thanksgiving to be celebrated in the Cordeliers. Formidable omens these! Which mark the inward purpose, the determined will, and the coming deeds of this rising power. If it prevails, its first work will be to destroy all ancient documents, all title deeds, rent-rolls, contracts, and claims to which force compels it to submit. By force likewise it will draw up others to its own advantage, and the scribes who do it will be its own deputies and administrators whom it holds in its rude grasp.
Those who are in high places are not alarmed; they even find that there is some good in the revolt, inasmuch as it compels the towns to suppress unjust taxation.1132 The new Marseilles guard, formed of young men, is allowed to march to Aubagne, "to insist that M. le lieutenant criminel and M. l'avocat du Roi release the prisoners." The disobedience of Marseilles, which refuses to receive the magistrates sent under letters patent to take testimony, is tolerated. And better still, in spite of the remonstrances of the parliament of Aix, a general amnesty is proclaimed; "no one is excepted but a few of the leaders, to whom is allowed the liberty of leaving the kingdom." The mildness of the King and of the military authorities is admirable. It is admitted that the people are children, that they err only through ignorance, that faith must be had in their repentance, and, as soon as they return to order, they must be received with paternal effusions.—The truth is, that the child is a blind Colossus, exasperated by sufferings. hence whatever it takes hold of is shattered—not only the local wheels of the provinces, which, if temporarily deranged, may be repaired, but even the incentive at the center which puts the rest in motion, and the destruction of which will throw the whole machinery into confusion.
1101 (return) [ Marmontel, "Mémoires," II. 221.—Albert Babeau, "Histoire de la Révolution Française," I. 91, 187. (Letter by Huez Mayor of Troyes, July 30, 1788.)—Archives Nationales, H. 1274. (Letter by M. de Caraman, April 22, 1789.) H. 942 (Cahier des demandes des Etats de Languedoc).—Buchez et Roux, "Histoire Parlementaire," I. 283.]
1102 (return) [ See "The Ancient Régime," p.34. Albert Babeau, I. 91. (The Bishop of Troyes gives 12,000 francs, and the chapter 6,000, for the relief workshops.)]
1103 (return) [ "The Ancient Regime," 350, 387.—Floquet, "Histoire du Parlement de Normandie," VII. 505–518. (Reports of the Parliament of Normandy, May 3,1788. Letter from the Parliament to the King, July 15, 1789.)]
1104 (return) [ Arthur Young, "Voyages in France," June 29th, July 2nd and 18th—" Journal de Paris," January 2, 1789. Letter of the curé of Sainte-Marguerite.]
1105 (return) [ Buchez and Roux, IV. 79–82. (Letter from the intermediary bureau of Montereau, July 9, 1789; from the maire of Villeneuve-le-Roi, July 10th; from M. Baudry, July 10th; from M. Prioreau, July 11th, etc.)—Montjoie, "Histoire de la Révolution de France," 2nd part, ch. XXI, p. 5.]
1106 (return) [ Roux et Buchez, ibid. "It is very unfortunate," writes the Marquis d'Autichamp, "to be obliged to cut down the standing crops ready to be gathered in; but it is dangerous to let the troops die of hunger."]
1107 (return) [ Montjoie, "Histoire de la Révolution de France," ch. XXXIX, V, 37.—De Goncourt, "La Société Française pendant la Révolution," p. 5l3.—Deposition of Maillard (Criminal Inquiry of the Châtelet concerning the events of October 5th and 6th).]
1108 (return) [ De Tocqueville, "L'Ancien Régime et la Révolution," 272–290. De Lavergne, "Les Assemblées provinciales," 109. Procès-verbaux des assemblées provinciales, passim.]
1109 (return) [ A magistrate who gives judgment in a lower court in cases relative to taxation. These terms are retained because there are no equivalents in English. (Tr.)]
1110 (return) [ "Laboureurs,"—this term, at this epoch, is applied to those who till their own land. (Tr.)]
1111 (return) [ Duvergier. "Collection des lois et décrets," I. 1 to 23, and particularly p. 15.]
1112 (return) [ Parish priests. (SR.)]
1113 (return) [ Arthur Young, July 12th, 1789 (in Champagne).]
1114 (return) [ Montjoie, 1st part, 102.]
1115 (return) [ Floquet, "Histoire du Parlement de Normandie," VII. 508.—"
