and they all agreed to hold their lands of the King.261
The MacDonnells in Antrim.
The relations between England and Scotland were at this time much strained. The miserable and mysterious death of James V. left the northern kingdom a battle-field for contending factions, and the restless Beaton had full scope for his intrigues. The Hebridean settlers on the Ulster coast had always been troublesome, since they were ever ready to sell their swords to the highest bidder; and they now became really important. These settlements originated with the Bysets or Bissets, sometimes called Missets, who were said to be of Greek origin and who accompanied the Conqueror to England. They afterwards settled in Scotland, whence they were expelled in 1242 on suspicion of being concerned in the murder of an Earl of Athole, and condemned to take the cross. Preferring Ireland to Palestine, the exiles bought the island of Rathlin from Richard de Burgo, Earl of Ulster. About the close of the fourteenth century, Margaret, the heiress of the Bysets, married John More MacDonnell, a grandson through his mother of Robert II. of Scotland. This lady is said to have known Richard II. during his second visit to Ireland, and to have recognised him afterwards, crazed and a refugee, in the island of Isla. By Margaret’s marriage the estates of the Bysets passed to the MacDonnells, and a close intercourse was thenceforth kept up between the Western Isles and Antrim, which are never out of sight of one another in clear weather. Matrimonial alliances with O’Neills, O’Donnells, and O’Cahans were frequent, and the islemen established themselves so firmly that Rathlin was as late as 1617 claimed as part of Scotland. It has an assured place in Scottish history; for, among the rocks of black basalt and white chalk which give Rathlin its curious piebald look, stand the ruins of the castle where Robert Bruce is said to have learned the lesson of perseverance from a spider. In Henry VIII.’s time the head of the Irish MacDonnells was Alexander or Alaster, whose influence at Court had been great enough to drive Argyle from the western government, but whose common place of residence was on the shore of Ballycastle Bay. Many other Hebrideans were settled in Antrim, but the MacDonnells were always the leading clan.262
Contemporary description of them.
John Edgar, a reforming priest of the violent kind which Western Scotland has produced, gave Henry VIII. a graphic account of the islemen in his day. They spent much time in hunting and manly exercises, going barelegged and barefoot though the snow should be waist deep, ‘wherefore the tender and delicate gentlemen of Scotland call us Redshanks.’ Against exceptional frosts they protected themselves with moccasins made of fresh red-deer hide, secured with thongs and full of holes to let the water in and out. The hairy side being exposed gained them the name of ‘rough-footed Scots,’ and the whole description recalls a well-known nursery rhyme. The people of the Irish isles of Arran still use cowhide coverings exactly similar, to protect their feet from the sharp limestone rocks which are too slippery for soled boots. Edgar is careful to mention that the perones worn by the ancient Latines in Virgil were shoes of the same kind. Travers, who saw a great deal of the Hebrideans, was less struck by their poetic aspect, and simply describes them as ‘most vile in their living of any nation next Irishmen.’ ‘Nevertheless,’ says Edgar, who anticipated such criticism, ‘when we Redshanks come to the Court waiting on our lords and masters, who also for velvets and silks be right well arrayed, we have as good garments as some of our fellows which give attendance at Court every day.’ These hardy islanders were in great request as mercenaries even in the South of Ireland, and it was a far cry to Mull or Isla, where, and where only, the English or Irish Government could seriously injure them.263
Fears of Scotland and France, 1543.
St. Leger was uneasy lest a combined Scotch and French attack should be made on Ireland. Two French ships in company with some Scotch galleys were seen off Carrickfergus. There was an English squadron off Lambay, and its appearance had at first had a good effect, but it could not even guard the sixty miles of water between Howth and Holyhead. Frenchmen and Bretons frequented the Irish coast, and even sold Spanish prizes at Cork; for that city claimed the strange privilege of dealing with the King’s enemies in time of war. James Delahide was in O’Donnell’s country with a servant of the Earl of Argyle, and young Gerald of Kildare might at any moment be made the instrument of fresh disturbances. James MacDonnell, Alaster’s eldest son, had been brought up at the Scottish Court, and, alone of his race, had learned to write: he was married—or perhaps only handfasted—to Lady Agnes Campbell, Argyle’s sister, and Beaton might at any time turn the connection to account.264
St. Leger is successful in Ulster.
In the first flush of the matrimonial treaty Henry announced that he would have Scotsmen treated as friends. But against Frenchmen he had declared war, and he and the Emperor had bound themselves not to make a separate peace. Yet in thirteen months Charles suddenly came to terms with Francis, leaving Henry to get his army out of France as he best could, and to see the English coast insulted by a French fleet. Whatever the designs of the French party in Scotland, no invasion of Ireland in fact took place. Tyrone, O’Donnell, and some of their neighbours were induced to visit Dublin and to submit their differences to the Lord Deputy. There was a standing dispute as to whether O’Dogherty, chief of Innishowen, owed service and tribute to O’Donnell or to O’Neill. The former established his title, but agreed to pay sixty cows yearly if O’Neill would prevent his men from molesting Innishowen. The contention that O’Donnell himself owed suit and service to O’Neill was not accepted, and both were confined to their own districts. Both made extravagant pretensions, but their documents were worthless, and proceeded for the most part from the imagination of Irish bards and story tellers who would do anything for money, or for love, or from a lively sense of favours to come. St. Leger managed to bring about an amicable arrangement, and even to lay the foundation of an increased revenue in Ulster.265
Henry’s financial dishonesty.
The reckless extravagance of Henry, his venal courtiers, and useless wars, had sunk him in debt. The plunder of the Church was gone, and there seemed no limit to the calls on the generosity or fears of his subjects. A king who could seek the help of a subservient Parliament to repudiate his debts was not likely to be scrupulous about contract obligations, and he seems to have contemplated resuming by Act of Parliament all Irish lands which had been leased by his authority. St. Leger protested in the strongest manner against thus confiscating the improvements of tenants, who had paid their rent and spent their money on the faith of royal grants. Discontent was already prevalent, for the pay of the soldiers was in arrear. Their number was reduced to 550, but they had not been paid for months, and a sum of less than 2,500l. was all that the King would send. A full pay was impossible, and the Irish Government were afraid even to make payments on account, lest an invasion or other sudden emergency should find them penniless. They urged the folly of not paying punctually, and their reasoning applies to the frugal Elizabeth as well as to her spendthrift father. The Tudor monarchy had already outgrown the feudal exchequer. ‘We assure your Highness your affairs hath often been much hindered in default of money, which being paid at last is no alleviating of charge; and yet by default of monthly payments, half the service is not done that might and should be done. In which case if it might please your Majesty, of your princely bounty, to furnish us for your army beforehand for one whole year, your Highness shall perceive your affairs thereby to be highly advanced.’266
St. Leger leaves Ireland, 1544.
Like every other Deputy, St. Leger soon grew heartily sick of Ireland. ‘I beseech you,’ he wrote to the King, ‘to remember your poor slave, that hath now been three years in hell, absent from your Majesty, and call me again to your presence, which is my joy in this world.’ Four months after sending this touching appeal he received leave of absence; but he
