and the decline of the ‘breadwinner’ ideal of the husband as the sole earner (see chapter 3).
Debates about changing parenting practices and values indicate that mothers tend to take responsibility for the day-to-day caring for children, despite attempts by governments to encourage fathers to become more involved in family life. The continuing gender imbalance in the home is exacerbated by lack of childcare facilities for working parents in countries such as the USA and UK. Women are still expected to sacrifice employment prospects for children, rather than sharing the responsibilities with male partners. This burden has been amplified and exposed during the Covid-19 pandemic, when children have been home-schooled (Petts et al. 2020). While responses to the pandemic have caused high levels of unemployment disproportionately affecting women and the poor, attempts to shape family life in the interests of capital and the state can be detected in the context of paid employment. Employment practices have not adjusted to family life. Instead, family life is continually having to adapt to changing employment patterns. The following chapters confirm that governments continue to influence the size and structure of families. Yet the decline of welfare support for families in many countries with ageing populations is placing increasing pressures on women with families, and this situation has been exacerbated during the Covid-19 crisis.
Referring to the third question, significant advances in scholarship focusing on same-sex intimacies have contested the fixed categories of ‘family’ and parenting. Research on LGBTQ+ intimacies and queer theory both provide a critical reinterpretation of intimacy and personal life in recognition of the variability and complexities of today’s personal lives and family practices. Certain researchers argue that same-sex couples are more likely to achieve equality in their relationships, following Giddens. Since they are no longer dependent on traditional gender roles, same-sex couples can reinvent the ground rules in their daily lives in areas such as carrying out household tasks (Weeks et al. 1999, and see chapter 2). Using donor reproductive technologies and surrogacy, same-sex couples can have children and bring new approaches to parenting and household arrangements. Contemporary sociology has drawn attention to these major changes in intimacy, rather than advancing a narrow idea of families simply as functions of the reproduction or socialization of children. Today, the sociology of family life approaches families more broadly as conditions and events of personal relations and intimacy, to account for diversity and change.
Placing sexuality at the centre of its analyses of social, political, and cultural issues, queer theory interrogates the privileged ranking of traditional constructions of sex, gender, femininity, masculinity, heteronormativity and heteropatriarchy (Edgar and Sedgwick 1999). Queer theory interconnects the personal to wider socio-political and institutional settings (see Acosta 2018; Fish and Russell 2018; Oswald et al. 2017). Contemporary queer theorists focus on the intersections of sexuality, race, and ethnicity to explain how cultural values influence changes in identities, beliefs, family communication, a sense of belonging, and family policy. Queer theory is now influencing family studies by questioning long-held assumptions about the fixity of intimacy and relationships (van Eeden-Moorefield et al. 2018). The binary notion of gender has been further challenged by transgender families and studies of identity. Heteronormativity is contested by people who identify as nonbinary, genderqueer or pangender, and other identities, and by research on family arrangements. This includes research on cisgender–transgender families (see Allen and Mendez 2018; McGuire et al. 2016; Pfeffer 2017). A range of books has been published that address parents with gender-expansive children, raising questions about gender-affirmative processes in relation to medical professionals, institutions and family policy (see Keo-Meier and Ehrensaft 2018).
Regarding the final question, the lack of accurate historical sociological data about kinship relations among Black and minority ethnic communities in western societies is pinpointed in chapters that examine both macro- and micro-social dynamics of family life. Evidence of parallels and differences between host communities and minority ethnic kinship customs are addressed. Past sociological research on Black and minority ethnic families has been framed by an ethnocentric bias: the predisposition for western academics to interpret minority ethnic families from a white ethnic viewpoint. Such frames privilege white and typically middle-class family norms by assuming these norms to be inherently superior. Scholars, governments and popular cultural discourses have been inclined to reify or naturalize the white nuclear family, even though it has existed as simply one type of family among many others. The nuclear family is an abstract entity often discussed as if it existed as a real and tangible object, rather than an ideal. Through a range of official and informal discourses, this ideological construct is elevated as a norm. The chapters of this book attend to the ideological assumptions and misconceptions that have contributed to earlier and more recent sociological theory and policy debates about ‘the family’. These assertions are examined in relation to research evidence of actual families and people’s lives to identify and understand the richness and complexities of contemporary familial and intimate relations.
Organization of the book
The book’s chapters are organized in two broad ways. The first arrangement comprises an outline of major theoretical perspectives followed by critiques and reconsiderations generated by empirical studies. This approach is taken in chapters that deal with theories and debates about intimacy, parenting and childhood. For instance, new scholarship in feminist and queer studies on same-sex intimacies, parenting and household practices that contest entrenched explanations of ‘family’ and parenting have redefined approaches to family and personal life. Examples of this body of research are then assessed to show how debates about family life and intimacy have been advanced. Likewise, scholarship on Black and minority ethnic families and intimacies has either informed or challenged conventional thinking about family forms and meanings, and is included to allow students to consider the discrepancies between standard and new ways of thinking about families. Other chapters are organized around a second, case-study approach. This approach is used in sections that address global themes including migration and marriage strategies, fertility and populations, and reproductive technologies. These sections draw on circumstances and events in specific countries through a comparative set of examples to illustrate key processes and changes in family forms and practices.
Chapter 1 traces the historical roots associated with key concepts of kinship and family in sociology. Foundational approaches to the family and kinship, developed in anthropology and sociology from the late nineteenth century to the 1980s, are outlined. The way classical social theories defined family life and how their perspectives influenced modern thought are assessed. The roots of some of today’s enduring ideas about the family are uncovered by outlining the perspectives of nineteenth-century thinkers such as Marx and Engels. The early twentieth-century structural-functionalist approach, led by American sociologist Talcott Parsons, proposed that the small, nuclear version of the family was perfectly adapted to the needs of modern society. He introduced new ideas about how the nuclear family’s sex roles operate to reproduce the population and a stable workforce. For Parsons, the family served two vital functions: the socialization of children, and the stabilization of adult personalities. The strict division of sex roles, between the father’s instrumental role as breadwinner and the mother’s expressive role as homemaker, was viewed as well adapted to modern industrial society. The functionalist model has had a major impact on official discourses about the ideal nuclear family in the UK and USA from the 1960s. It influenced academic research and government strategies up to the late twentieth century through policies on child and family poverty, including childrearing practices, childhood education, the role and moral framework of parenthood, fertility and access to new reproductive technologies. Chapter 1 also assesses the impact of functionalist approaches in studies of Black and minority ethnic families in the USA and UK, where extended and matriarchal,3 one-parent families were perceived as deviations from a nuclear family form.
Public anxieties about loosening family ties in
