influence paradigmatic perspectives: how people live, who they live with, what they read, listen to, see and know help make up their world view. What they are hardwired to see, feel and notice about the world and its politics is highly contingent and driven by strong emotions (Ahmed 2004), not necessarily by reason (Lakoff 2008). As men do not inhabit the world in the same way that women do in care terms (Hochschild and Machung 1989), and as they are much less likely to be hands-on carers (Oxfam 2020), their domain assumptions about care work, paid and unpaid, are fundamentally different from those of women (Hanlon 2012; Cederström 2019). As ‘care commanders’ (Lynch, Baker and Lyons. 2009: 132–57), men’s political paradigms are less likely to be informed by everyday experiences of attending to the ongoing corporeal and emotional needs of dependent others. As men do not tend to carry the family care-map around in their heads every day, this impacts on their decision-making. Their underlying paradigmatic assumptions are framed by their own relatively, and sometimes entirely, care-free experiences. Nowhere was this more evident than during the Covid-19 pandemic when male-dominated governments closed crèches and primary schools in many countries with no plan for childcare, forgetting that someone had to care for children if people (especially health care staff) were to work. The net effect of this was a drop in employment rates for women in seventeen of the twenty-four Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries that reported a drop in employment due to the pandemic; care-work commitments contributed greatly to women withdrawing from the labour market during the pandemic of 2020–21.12
Women in Bureaucratic Organizations
Organizations are neither gender neutral (Acker 1990; Witz and Savage 1991; Britton 2000) nor race neutral (Acker 2006; Ahmed 2012). The seemingly ‘disembodied, universal worker’ is in reality a male and a White worker, especially at senior levels; women and men whose skin is Brown or Black are judged by their degree of adherence to the prevailing organizational norm for any given position that has been White-male-dominated and male-defined historically (Joseph 2018). Those who enter positions within organizations do not do so, therefore, on their own terms; they may negotiate, but positions have a status and identity that predate and post-date the potential postholders, and senior posts are coloured-coded White and masculine in White-dominated societies.
While power may not now be entirely in male hands in the twenty-first century in all countries, or in all organizations, men exercise a controlling interest in all the major organizational centres of power. Men have claimed organizational power for themselves at senior levels, be it in business, culture, sport, the arts or the media (Kanter 1977; Collinson and Hearn 1996). Even when some women are present at senior levels, men, being in the majority, exercise the power of veto in most political, cultural and economic institutions.
Even a cursory glance at the leaders of the G20 or the EU 27 highlights the hegemony of White male political power. Outside of politics, men are twice as likely to be managers as women within the European Union: only 6.3 per cent of CEO positions in major publicly listed companies were held by women in 2019 (European Commission 2019: 5). Women’s lower status is reflected in their earnings: around 25 per cent of the top one per cent of wage earners in the EU are women, though in some countries it is lower, with just 17 per cent of the top one percent of earners being women in the UK (European Commission 2019: 20). Men’s dominance of senior posts and their higher earnings are likely to continue, especially with the rise of globalized corporations where geographical mobility and 24/7 availability are expected (Vahter and Masso 2019). A long-hours’ work culture is not conducive to good caring, simply because it takes time from care.
Kate Millett’s assertion some fifty years ago regarding the persistence of men’s patriarchal power remains largely true organizationally today:
the military, industry, technology, universities, science, political offices, finances – in short, every avenue of power within the society, including the coercive force of the police, is [almost]13 entirely in male hands. … What lingers of supernatural deity, the Deity, ‘His’ ministry, together with ethics and values, the philosophy and art of our culture – its very civilization – as T.S. Eliot once observed, is of male manufacture. (Millett 1971: 25)
Being a Man
What underpins White male control is a very particular concept of what it is to be a man, what it is to be masculine. Because we become what we live, the work that we do, and what and who we value while doing it, have a major impact on our character and who we become (Sayer 2009: 5). By practising the norms of competitive masculinity, it is inevitable that most men will absorb related capitalist values over time (Hartmann 1979: 21). By filling the places created by other powerful men, each new generation of men is engaged in enacting the practices and codes of hegemonic masculinity that make these posts what they are (Connell 2000). What happens in parallel with living out hegemonic, dominant-led masculinity is the denigration of the qualities associated with its opposite, namely social need and dependency. Despite the emergence of hybrid masculinities, and the selective incorporation of elements of identity associated with various marginalized and subordinated masculinities as well as femininities into hegemonic masculinities, the new hybrids do not signal the end of male dominance (Demetriou 2001; Messerschmidt 2010). Combining toughness with tenderness in a male public persona often masks the perpetuation of male systems of power and inequality (Messner 2007). Borrowing some ‘soft’ feminine symbols and practices may even conceal male power by giving it a symbolically acceptable face. Much research on hybrid masculine practices shows that they often work in ways that ‘fortify symbolic and social boundaries, perpetuating social hierarchies in new (and “softer”) ways’ (Bridges and Pascoe 2014: 255). The principle of dominance that is central to masculinity remains intact; it is defined against femininity and its perceived vulnerability and dependency. As it is men who carry capitalism’s torch, and define its parameters in elite positions, capitalism and hegemonic masculinity are deeply embedded with each other.
Independent of bureaucracies, capitalism produces moral dispositions of indifference to the interests of others, what Adorno (2005) termed ‘bourgeois coldness’ in the pursuit of one’s own interests. While upper-class women negotiate the services of cleaning, caring and catering for the family, upper-class men generally do not meet poor women in person, but only know them as the providers of abstract, invisibilized services as cleaners, caterers or childcare workers. These men are not confronted by the in-person feel of poverty. Even in average-income households, men do not manage the household harms of capitalism as much as women, especially where they are felt most keenly and cannot be ignored, namely in poor families (O’Neill 1992; Dodson 2010). The moral imperative to do hands-on caring does not apply to men as it does to women (Bubeck 1995; Glenn 2000; O’Brien 2007). Men are allowed to be ‘cold’, to be careless (in hands-on care terms), more than women.
While there are developments in Europe promoting a caring masculinity model to replace the hegemonic ideal of male dominance, especially in the academic field (Ruby and Scholz 2018), how and when that will translate into familial, organizational and state politics remains to be seen. Whatever the outcome, unless caring and hegemonic concepts of masculinity are better aligned, it is hard to see how a caring world order can be part of a new political imaginary.
To date, the overlap between the constituencies of capitalist and patriarchal interests, not just in maintaining the hegemony of men in heterosexual families, but in the developing of hegemonic constructs of competitive, controlling masculinity in employment and within the machinery of the state, means that capitalism and patriarchy are inextricably linked. And the same can be said of the relationship of capitalism and racism; the success of the capitalist project globally is not only deeply classed and gendered; it is also deeply racialized and tied to a long history of colonialism (Patel and Moore 2018).
Care as Abject
As noted in chapter
