North American Agroforestry. Группа авторов

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increasingly being discussed as options in more developed countries and could easily incorporate agroforestry principles (Jordan, et. al., 2007). For example, the five principles of sustainable food and agriculture defined by the FAO (2018) include: (a) increase productivity, employment, and value addition in food systems, (b) protect and enhance natural resources, (c) improve livelihoods and foster inclusive economic growth, (d) enhance the resilience of people, communities, and ecosystems, and (e) adapt governance to the new challenges.

      In this chapter, we demonstrate the linkages among emerging integrated management systems for agriculture and forestry and indicate possible roles that agroforestry could play in the continuing development of these new land use strategies. Opportunities for the development of domestic agroforestry practices are identified and progress toward meeting them highlighted. Possible approaches to overcoming constraints limiting the development of agroforestry in the United States are suggested. It is our purpose to provide a framework for the chapters that follow and to stimulate creative thinking and proactive behavior by scientists and management professionals responsible for developing and implementing new land use management strategies that are environmentally, socially, and economically sustainable.

      Here we provide thoughts on new management systems that are emerging to help account for the complex demands currently being placed on the nation’s rural lands. Specifically, agricultural and forestry land use practices are examined relative to certain biophysical and socioeconomic principles basic to natural resources management. We also provide a historical perspective for the evolution of forest management and agricultural production practices and for the development of domestic agroforestry activities.

      Basic Principles Influencing Management Systems

      Management can be considered as the planned intervention into natural processes to assure predictable outcomes of benefit to the health and welfare of humans. Hence, sociological factors often become the driving principles determining many land use decisions. For example, a stewardship ethic that places long‐term social good above short‐term personal gain can move people to spend time, effort, and money assuring the ecological integrity of land they currently own. In contrast, a pioneer ethic emphasizing the immediate needs of the individual can promote destructive activities that negatively impact future generations (Nash, 1982). This anthropocentric focus for management has been challenged for decades (Stone, 1996). Obviously, different user groups can hold very different views concerning the utilization, conservation, and preservation of our natural resources, often making the social context in which land use decisions are made highly contentious.

      The social context for land use decision‐making is also subject to increasingly rapid change as the pace of social evolution quickens in response to increased knowledge and technological advancements. For example, this century has witnessed major changes associated with the transition from a rural to an urban society, shifts in ethnic and age structures, a move to an information‐based society, and periodic resurgence in the public’s interest and concern about the environment and the use of the nation’s farm and forest lands. Hence, management decisions socially acceptable in one generation may not be accepted in another (e.g., clear‐cutting old‐growth forests, eradicating predators, or indiscriminate pesticide use).

      Nonetheless, during the past two decades there has been increased interest in internalizing the environmental costs and benefits not necessarily reflected by our market system (Mann & Wustemann, 2008; Wang & Wolf, 2019). Payments for environmental or ecosystem services have entered the discussion of policymakers at both the federal and state levels in the United States (Mercer, Cooley, & Hamilton, 2011; Potter & Wolf, 2014). We have a voluntary market for carbon offsets in the United States and a developing market for water quality credits, both patterned after what has been considered to be a successful cap‐and‐trade system to control sulfur dioxide emissions (Börner et al., 2017; Gordon, 2007; Jack, Kousky, & Sims, 2008; Lowrance, 2007; Palma, Graves, Burgess, van der Werf, & Herzog, 2007b; Wang & Wolf, 2019).

      Land use management is inherently interdisciplinary because of the multitude of interrelated factors that must be considered when deciding how best to optimize the use of land for realizing its multiple values (Ferraz‐de‐Oliveira, Azeda, & Pinto‐Correia, 2016; Savory, 1988; Stankey, 1996). The extent to which scientific knowledge is useful in such a decision‐making process depends on its ability to deepen managers’ understanding of complex systems and how to adjust them to achieve specific objectives. An interdisciplinary approach is essential to the development of such knowledge (Chubin, Porter, Rossini, & Connolly, 1986). The study of interdisciplinary land use management systems, while previously overlooked (Stankey, 1996), has become a major topic of interest in the research and development community (LaCanne & Lundgren, 2018). The “tyranny of the disciplines,” while still the norm in creating institutional obstacles to effective integration (Campbell, 1986), is no longer the only paradigm being promoted and is actively being superseded during the past decade by a shift toward increased diversification of landscapes and cropping systems (Geertsema et al., 2016; Liebman & Schulte, 2015). The theoretical base for the management of complex agroecosystems often does not meet

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