Clinical Obesity in Adults and Children. Группа авторов

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strong inverse relationship between consumption of ultra‐processed foods and the overall proportion of dietary protein, with mean protein content falling from 18.2 to 13.3% between the lowest and highest quintiles of the dietary contribution of ultra‐processed foods. This occurred because ultra‐processed foods tend to be lower in percent protein and higher in energy from fats and carbohydrates than less highly processed foods. As predicted by protein leverage, a rise in total energy intake was associated with the fall in percent protein as the dietary contribution of ultra‐processed foods increased, whereas absolute protein intake remained near‐constant. Recently, Hall et al. [60] showed similar evidence for prioritization of protein intake in an inpatient randomized controlled trial.

      Although more research is needed, existing evidence thus suggests that the strong human protein appetite might interact with the proliferation of ultra‐processed foods in industrialized food environments to generate excess energy intake and obesity. This is a fundamental paradigm shift – it suggests that humans over‐eat fats and carbohydrates (and total energy) not because they have particularly strong appetites for those macronutrients, but because their appetite for protein is stronger than the appetites for fats and carbohydrates. This shift in framing could have a significant impact on obesity research, prevention, and management.

      For example, much has been written on the fact that the reduction in fat intake associated with US dietary guidelines failed to stem the rise of obesity. This fact is significant not only because it reflects a failed public health initiative, but it might well have exacerbated the US dietary crisis by ostensibly vindicating dietary fats and demonizing carbohydrates [100–102]. The resulting “macronutrient wars” [103] have further polarized scientific and public debate, diverting attention away from the rational question of “what diet is healthy overall?” towards extreme dietary philosophies focussed around minimizing or excluding a particular macronutrient. Viewed from the perspective of protein leverage, however, a likely reason that reducing dietary fat did not solve the obesity problem is that human appetite systems ensured it was replaced by carbohydrate calories to maintain protein near the target ratio (as in Fig. 6.4). Indeed, amid the ensuing debate around fat vs. carbohydrates, the percentage of energy contributed by protein in the US diet decreased marginally (by 1%), which as noted above, is sufficient to drive an obesity epidemic, and as predicted by the protein leverage hypothesis obesity continued to rise [104].

Schematic illustration of relationship between ultra-processed food consumption and protein leverage in the United States.

      Source: From Martínez Steele et al. [68].

      Perhaps most important of all, as discussed next, protein leverage could provide a biologically grounded framework for focussing research aimed at unraveling the complex interactions between humans and food environments.

      Why do humans select low‐protein foods that cause energy over‐consumption?

      The protein leverage hypothesis simplifies the challenge of understanding how humans interact with food environments by explicitly distinguishing the two primary components of feeding regulation, which foods are selected and how much of each is eaten. Protein leverage addresses the second of these questions through attributing the over‐consumption of energy on low protein diets, such as those rich in ultra‐processed foods, to the strong human appetite for protein. In so doing, it highlights the importance for public health research of addressing the questions of why humans choose to eat low‐protein ultra‐processed foods that dilute protein resulting in excess energy consumption and how this can be managed. These questions, we believe, are the highest priority, both for understanding better how people interact with transitioning food environments to shape their diets and for formulating policy and other interventions to influence these interactions.

      There are many contributing factors. Important among these is that the industrial synthesis of edible products from highly refined ingredients, as in ultra‐processed foods, offers opportunities for customizing compositions in ways specifically designed to encourage consumption. One method is combining ingredients in ratios that are hyperpalatable, to dial in a “bliss point” that maximizes hedonic responses. This can be done, for example, by including carbohydrates and fats in ratios that are highly palatable, and intensifying the effect by increasing the concentration of the mixture through minimizing other components such as protein and fiber. Palatability can be further enhanced by adding salt or other flavor‐enhancers.

      Some of these manipulations not only target the food choice component of diet regulation, but also influence or interact with the amounts eaten. For example, high palatability can itself stimulate appetite and delay satiety [107]. Increasing the ratio of fats and carbohydrates to protein to increase palatability will also result in increased consumption via protein leverage, an effect that will be exacerbated when the other major satiating dietary component, fiber, is also low [62]. Using a formula that integrates the protein, fiber, fat, and energy density of foods to calculate satiety potential, Fardet et al. [108] showed that ultra‐processed foods are significantly less satiating than other foods.

      A particularly insidious processing strategy is to impart a savory flavor on low‐protein foods. In humans, like other species, an important mechanism for nutrient balancing

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