their own affairs independent [sic] of the interests of great powers.”31
Despite its symbolic significance, the war was overshadowed by the summer Olympics, which took place in Beijing from August 8 through 24. It was a spectacle that spotlighted China’s growing stature. And the war faded further into the recesses of global consciousness with the collapse of Lehman Brothers on September 15, which precipitated the world’s severest macroeconomic crisis since the Great Depression. Given how sharply relations between the United States and China have deteriorated in the intervening years, it is hard to believe that these two countries coordinated as vigorously as they did in late 2008 and early 2009, spurring the G20 into action and helping to arrest a fastmoving recession. Their cooperation offered preliminary evidence that strategic distrust between the world’s lone superpower and a rapidly emerging power need not preclude partnership during global crises or marginalize existing international institutions. Reflecting on that result, Daniel Drezner notes that, “[d]espite initial shocks that were more severe than those of the 1929 financial crisis, global economic governance responded in a nimble and robust fashion in 2008.”32
The Obama administration’s initial experience of dealing with China imbued it, understandably, with confidence about the potential for US–China cooperation. For some time Washington and Beijing even expressed a shared interest in developing a “new model” of great-power relations—a nebulous but attractive call to elevate cooperative imperatives over structural tensions.33 The logic was compelling: the world would be unable to address pressing challenges without robust collaboration between its only superpower, which possessed the largest economy, and its principal driver of growth, which commanded the second-largest. Even so, the construct did not gain enduring support; the United States was reluctant to suggest that it regarded China as a peer, and China, though agitating for greater sway in prominent international fora, did not want to imply that it bore as much responsibility for maintaining the postwar order as the United States did. Still, the two countries undertook several joint efforts, launching the US–China Clean Energy Research Center in November 2009, signing a landmark climate change agreement in November 2014, and inking a deal to promote greater trust in cyberspace in September 2015. So, even as strategic frictions between them intensified, the two countries seemed able—and, as importantly, willing—to prevent competitive dynamics from crowding out the cooperative ones.
The Obama administration notched a number of cooperative successes with Russia as well. Washington and Moscow partnered to shore up the Northern Distribution Network, which played a key role in routing supplies to US troops when they were deployed in Afghanistan. On February 5, 2011, the two countries signed New START, a major nonproliferation agreement that was effective for ten years and restricted each signatory to 1,550 deployed strategic warheads. Russia joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) at the end of the year, becoming the last G20 member to do so. In late 2013 and early 2014, Washington and Moscow worked together to secure and transport out of Syria 1,300 tons of its chemical weapons. Finally, they collaborated on the negotiations that would ultimately result in a breakthrough deal to constrain Iran’s atomic activities: the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).
Aggression in Europe and Tension in Asia
Despite these glimmers of hope, US observers began to express growing concerns over renewed strategic competition during the second term of the Obama administration. Russia’s annexation of Crimea proved to be a pivotal inflection point: the Congressional Research Service characterizes it as “[t]he sharpest single marker of the shift in the international security environment to a situation of renewed great-power competition.”34 In March 2014, in a referendum that the Obama administration pronounced illegitimate, Crimea voted to secede from Ukraine. Five days afterward the secretary general of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) declared that “Russia’s military aggression in Ukraine is the most serious crisis in Europe since the fall of the Berlin Wall.” He went on: “We had hoped this kind of revisionist behavior was confined to the nineteenth century. But we see it is back in the twenty-first century.”35 His language spoke to a deepening anxiety among western—and especially US—observers that the post-Cold War configuration was more tenuous than it had seemed in the 1990s. Shortly after Moscow’s wresting of Crimea, Walter Russell Mead warned that Russia, China, and Iran were all contesting that arrangement. Although downplaying the suggestion that the three countries formed an alliance or would eventually emerge into one (he cited critical differences between their material capacities and their strategic objectives), Mead stressed their shared belief that “US power is the chief obstacle to achieving their revisionist goals.”36
While Russia tended to capture attention as a result of its discrete provocations, China came into focus because of its overall trajectory. Contrary to longstanding US hopes that Beijing would take steps in the direction of political liberalization as its economy grew, the country became more authoritarian under its new leader, President Xi Jinping, and more explicit in its rejection of liberal norms. In April 2013 the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) issued a document warning that China had to guard against “Western forces hostile to China” that “are still constantly infiltrating the ideological sphere.”37 Beijing also grew more assertive in its neighborhood. That November, without consulting its neighbors, it declared an air defense identification zone in the East China Sea that overlapped with Japan’s, South Korea’s, and Taiwan’s existing zones. Discussions of a “new model” of great-power relations began to fade during the second half of the Obama administration, as more observers started to question whether deep interdependence and extant cooperation could forestall a fundamentally antagonistic turn in US–China relations.38
By February 2015, when President Xi announced that he would make his first state visit to the United States in September of that year, Washington and Beijing were at loggerheads over a rapidly expanding set of issues.39 The following month, the Council on Foreign Relations published a report by two distinguished scholars-cum-practitioners, Robert Blackwill and Ashley Tellis, which concluded that “Washington needs a new grand strategy toward China, one that centers on balancing the rise of Chinese power rather than continuing to assist its ascendancy.” They warned that “[t]he long-term US effort to protect its vital national interests by integrating China into the international system is at serious risk,” stipulated that “China seeks to replace the United States as the leading power in Asia,” and urged the United States to discard its “self-defeating preoccupation … based on a long-term goal of US–China strategic partnership that cannot be accomplished in the foreseeable future.”40
US observers expressed growing concern not only about China and Russia individually but also about the strengthening of their relationship. Isolated and sanctioned by much of the West after its annexation of Crimea, Moscow moved to deepen its ties with Beijing. In April 2014 Russia approved in principle the sale of four to six S-400 missile defense system battalions to China (the deal was finalized the following April, and it made China the first foreign buyer of the S-400 system). In May the two countries signed a $400 billion deal whereby Moscow agreed to supply Beijing with natural gas for thirty years, beginning in 2018 (the Power of Siberia gas pipeline did not actually open until December 2019). The pact had been under discussion for more than a decade, but the immediate precipitant for the completion of negotiations proved to be the crisis over Ukraine, for Russia needed to secure an alternative to its main energy market, Europe. A year later, when marking the 70th anniversary of Nazi Germany’s defeat, China and Russia signed thirty-two bilateral agreements that included a framework for avoiding frictions between their economic initiatives in Central Asia; more than $6 billion in Chinese funding for a railway between Moscow and Kazan; and, perhaps most notably, a mutual pledge to avoid conducting cyberattacks on each other. Shortly after concluding that roster of deals, the two countries conducted joint naval exercises in the Mediterranean Sea for the first time.
China’s resurgence and Russia’s revanchism were hardly America’s only foreign policy concerns during the second term of the Obama administration. The Islamic State was wreaking havoc across the Middle East and North Africa and, by
