xv, citing Kramsch) suggests that ‘native speakers’ themselves ‘do not speak the idealized, standardized version of their language’ any more than ‘non-native speakers’, that both groups are influenced in their speech ‘by geography, occupation, age, and social status’. Jenkins (2000: 8–9) presents an argument for the notion of ‘non-native speaker’ being ‘anachronistic’:
The term … fails to recognize that many varieties of English in outer circle countries, such as Singapore, are spoken not only as official languages but also in the home … that English is often one of several languages available in the repertoires of the multilingual populations of, for example, India and African countries … [where] it is often difficult to ascertain which language is a person’s L1 and which is their L2. The term perpetuates the idea that monolingualism is the norm, when, in fact, precisely the opposite is true of the world at large.
At the same time, others argue that it does depend where one comes from, and that the native-non-native speaker distinction exists, for better or worse, as part of our professional discourse and has therefore to be worked with. By email, Ryuko Kubota has the following to say:
I don’t consider myself as a ‘native’ speaker of English, so I use ‘non-native’ instead. I don’t think it’s necessary to do away with these terms; what needs to be done is to reveal politics and ideologies attached to these categories. In fact, getting rid of these terms does not solve the problems but only obscures them.
To get over the difficulties of the native-non-native speaker issue, Jenkins (2000: 9–10) offers another distinction between ‘bilingual’ and ‘monolingual’ English speakers, and a third term, ‘non-bilingual English speakers’ for people who ‘are bilingual but not in English’ and likes the sense that the norm is shifted from ‘monolingual’ to ‘bilingual’. She however acknowledges that this distinction also has too many grey areas. Nevertheless, one of my email interviewees, Esmat, finds it meaningful though complex:
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