territorial, rather than blood-related communities, are not historical; and therefore, sooner or later, he will have to leave many lands acquired. «Capital» is a dual thing, it is well suited to people who deny the clarity of definitions, responding to all the reproaches «You just misunderstood me.»
…Landowners from control over the redemption of land are exempted, this is the responsibility of the state bank. The former (and, to a large extent, real) slave owners, year after year, receive a solid rent from the treasury.
The first two years after the publication of the Manifesto, the world and the landlords draw up Charter Charters; they determine how many, to whom, who should, the amount of land available, the children of the male, the conditions for the release of individuals, etc. During this time, peasants and household people (6.5% of the total number of serfs) actually remain slaves, perform orders of the landlord, also subject to corporal punishment. Further, the landless domestic servant is completely emancipated. Temporarily-obligated peasants who use landed estates before they «stand on ransom» are in practically the same feudal dependence, with all its degrading attributes.
It is extremely advantageous for landowners to lease land to peasants. Not only that, in the end, they will receive for the site three to four times more than its market value, property, or at least an extremely dependent person, almost like «in the good old days» is also not decided «to stand on ransom «peasant. Therefore, the nobles are trying to surround the plots of farmers with their own, alienated within the same peasants’ slices, separating the first from the village, reservoirs, pastures, roads, etc., forcing them to rent, and then to buy them as well.
In 1881, the share of peasants who had not yet risen to buy land, an average of 20%. To accelerate this process, the government issues a decree on compulsory transition to redemption within 2 years. Most farmers are exempt from bondage, in fact, it ceases to be dependent on the state bank only in 1906, when insurgents burn up to 17% of landlord estates, and Cossack detachments for suppressing these unrest are no longer sufficient.
In the same year, in particular, the publication of educational and scientific literature in the Ukrainian language (Emsky ukaz) is limited, and the center of development of this branch of national culture moves from Kiev to Austro-Hungarian Lviv.
…In 1865 a small Russian detachment captured Tashkent, the capital of the Kokand Khanate. Kokand (future Uzbekistan and part of Turkmenistan) becomes a protectorate of Russia. A year later the emir of Bukhara (the territory of present-day Uzbekistan) confiscates the property of Russian merchants, insults the representatives of the Russian diplomatic mission. In early May 1866, numbering 3,500 people, with 16 guns, the Russian detachment approaches Samarkand. He is confronted by the Bukhara army of 45 thousand. As a result of a decisive attack, the emir’s army flees, leaving the gunners with 21 guns. Residents of Samarkand army of the emir in the city is not allowed.
In the capital remains a garrison of 600 people, most of them wounded. Initially loyal to the presence of Russian troops, after the departure of the main forces, the 65,000 population displays aggression. The detachment takes refuge in the citadel, which is subjected to a series of fierce attacks. Remaining loyal to the Russians, a local resident notifies the army of a riot, she returns and suppresses unrest. In the end, the Emir manages to find a common language, he gives Russian merchants freedom of movement, protection, and himself, later, uses the services of the tsarist army to suppress insurgencies. In 1872, Bukhara was reorganized into the Zeravshan District and was losing its independence. Approximately the same fate awaits the remaining khanates and emirates. The meaning of this accession of a significant part of Russian society is incomprehensible. The arguments of the Russian monarchs are unreasonable: the wars in Asia de prevent the participation of Russia in European conflicts.
In 1863, unrest began in Poland. Poles defiled Orthodox churches, knocked down written in Russian, and any other language, signs, overwhelmed ethnic Russians with threats. The Russian government makes concessions, restores the self-governing bodies adopted in the Kingdom of Poland, conducts liberal reforms, but the Polish underground organizes all new terrorist acts against the tsarist officers and civilians. Their main goal is the restoration of the Commonwealth within the borders of 1772.
Another viceroy is being decided on, perhaps, not the smartest step – to conduct a recruitment kit that includes 12,000 potentially dangerous young people. In response, since January 22 separate rebel units have been attacking Russian troops. A flywheel of terror is developing. The so-called «daggers», passing to the territory of Belarus, which is rather loyal to Russia (and has not become a real «Rzeczpospolita»), secretly or explicitly kill Orthodox peasants, as well as priests.
Russia concludes an agreement on mutual assistance with Prussia, for which Poland has long been a painful headache.
In the end, the insurgents lose 30 thousand people, the Russian troops – 3,500, while 2,000 civilians are killed as a result of terrorist attacks. Evacuated to Siberia 12 thousand people. The most active survivors of the insurrection are moving abroad, trying to propagate there in the spirit of the first wave of emigration, but they are almost not listened to there. In Poland, it is prohibited to use Polish in public places and business correspondence, wearing mourning (shocking ribbons in female hairstyles), all sorts of Polish differences.
By the mid-seventies of the nineteenth century, Europe’s public consciousness was already fully prepared for the severe condemnation of Turkey’s policy in the Balkans. A number of national uprisings (Bulgaria, Bosnia and Herzegovina) are suppressed by Oshmans-Bashi-Bazouks with unprecedented cruelty, causing the overwhelming majority of Europeans sympathy and anger. Porta no longer looks like a defenseless victim, and Russia – an instrument in the hands of the monarch, with the help of which he wants to acquire additional glory for himself. The new emperor behaves prudently, will coordinate important actions with the governments of other world powers.
In March 1871, taking advantage of changes in the international situation, with the support of the German Chancellor Bismarck. Russia restores the right to keep the Navy on the Black Sea.
In June 1876, Serbia, and then Montenegro, declare war on Turkey, suffer a series of devastating defeats, and appeal to European governments for mediation in the settlement of the conflict. The London protocol, signed by representatives of the six European powers, brilliantly rejects Porta, and thereby dismantles the provisions of the Paris Treaty, which protected it from the struggle with Russia one on one.
April 24, 1877 Russia declares war on Turkey.
In May, Russian troops enter the territory of Romania and, gathering allied forces, go to Constantinople. June 27, with the support of torpedo boats, they set up a pontoon crossing across the Danube, with a minimum (1,100 people) losses speeding up the river. The next goal is the fortified town of Pleven (Pleven) located at the crossroads of strategically important roads. The Turkish divisions (20,000 men, 57 guns) manage to occupy it somewhat earlier than the Russians. The first assault, despite initial successes, is unsuccessful. The second attack takes place ten days later, with the support of fire, 140 guns. The Turks lose 1,000 dead, the Russians 3500. The Romanian troops join the siege, receive reinforcements and Osman. The ratio of forces is now 83 thousand people, 424 guns against 34 thousand captured, with 72 cannons. The third assault, which took place on September 11, suffers a complete failure, the losses of Russian-Romanian troops after three attempts to capture the city reach 35,000 people killed and wounded.
Russian command passes to the tactics of the complete blockade of Plevna, with large losses captures a number of small fortresses, cuts communications. As a result, the 50,000-strong Turkish garrison is one on one with the 125 thousand
