we reasoned, ‘Conservatives’ should be very ordinary people. That was what the name almost literally meant – sort of ‘ultra-normal’. But just looking at the statistics for membership it became clear that this was no longer true – if it ever had been. Joining a political party of any sort was, by 2005, pretty deviant behaviour. (Admittedly, by the time our journey into Blue Britain was over, the image of the Conservative Party had improved considerably, and we were there to see, from the inside, how that transformation took place.)
But in 2005 the Tories were extraordinarily unpopular, especially with just about anyone under fifty. They struck David and me as more like a weird and unfathomable cult than a once unstoppable election-winning force. This was the Conservative leadership era, remember, of Michael Howard and a pre-makeover Ann Widdecombe, when the party’s claim to represent modern Britain seemed more than a little tenuous. So we saw voluntary activism in the Conservative cause as so unusual that it represented a sub-culture potentially more interesting than the groups and scenes we had reported on in the past – such as football hooligans, Muslim fundamentalists, professional boxers, tabloid journalists, gun-wielding inner-city criminals and the yacht-dwelling super-rich. All of those groups were, to a degree, tricky to understand, but their world-views were, we reckoned, a lot easier to figure out than the mentality of local Conservative activists in 2005.
I was living in a Conservative ward, consisting of lots of multi-million-pound residences stretching up to the walls and iron gates of Richmond Park, a royal deer park with actual herds of deer in it. The parliamentary seat was held for the Liberal Democrats at the time by Jenny Tonge, a medical doctor who seemed to have pretty extreme views about most things, especially the Iraq war. Jenny had endured a tabloid lynching after she advocated bombing the Taliban in Afghanistan with money and loaves of bread instead of cruise missiles. And yet the Richmond Tories could make no headway against somebody as plainly cranky and annoyingly worthy as her. Why was this happening? Had the population of Richmond, consisting as it did of one of the largest concentrations of rich, elderly white people in the country, suddenly decided that even it didn’t like the Tories?
Our plan was to treat the Conservatives and a broader swathe of ‘small c’ conservatives (such as country sports enthusiasts, village cricketers and the Women’s Institute) as a broad tribe or clan whose social anthropology we wished to study. We would work our way through their habitats in the manner of Colonel John Blashford-Snell (the pith-helmeted jungle explorer who turned up at one of the Conservative drinks parties we attended) and note their rituals. As we discovered, some of the people we met really were, in the nicest possible way, from another planet – not necessarily a worse planet than the one David and I live on, but certainly a very strange one.
David and I worried – briefly – about the ethics of ‘joining’ a party which we did not approve of, and aiding a cause that we felt was neither in the interests of ourselves nor the people we cared about and loved. Would we be able to live with ourselves if we accidentally helped to get a Tory elected to Parliament? Wouldn’t we be helping to propagate a world-view with which we fundamentally disagreed? What if the Tories liked us and started trying to make proper friends with us? We decided, though, that getting the inside track on the Conservatives and conservatism was a Legitimate Journalistic Exercise in the Public Interest: and that, together with it being fun and broadening our horizons a bit, trumped all our other concerns.
In the appropriately anonymous surroundings of a Battersea pub we decided that we would only be evasive if we needed to be. (If we said we were journalists we would get the usual flim-flam). We felt perfectly justified in taking this approach, because working as reporters we knew that Conservatives, like almost all politicians, aren’t above being evasive themselves. And while working on this book, we saw Conservatives giving enormously misleading accounts of things to journalists who approached them overtly with, as it were, their press cards poking out of their hat rims. We felt we needed to get beyond that.
So I admit that some mild subterfuge was involved in the process of researching the book. But there was never any malice. Most of the people we met were, we felt, essentially harmless and, if anything, just a bit lost or stuck in a rut. The Conservative Party, and other Conservative institutions, offered these people a much-needed anchor in their lives. We felt sorry for some of those we met, liked one or two and were repelled by a few.
At the outset we also resolved, as far as possible, not to do any harm to the Conservative cause in the process of writing the book, or to impose any additional costs or avoidable difficulties on Conservative supporters. For example, if we were given party leaflets to deliver we always delivered them. We had no contact whatsoever with the direct political rivals of the Conservative Party during the writing of the book. Nor did we divulge any Conservative secrets or engage in any sabotage. There was often the chance to provoke or entrap a Tory into a newsworthy ‘gaffe’ – especially on the issue of race – but we resisted that temptation.
In our dealings with the public we were determined not to damage the Conservatives, but we also decided not to give them undue assistance if we could avoid it. When party officials eventually trusted us to knock on people’s doors and try to persuade them to vote Conservative, we were not the party’s greatest salesmen. We restricted ourselves to neutral and truthful remarks delivered in a polite but flat tone of voice, such as ‘Hello, we are canvassing for the Conservative Party’ or questions like ‘Are you planning to vote for the Conservative Party?’ If people on the doorstep asked us about policy matters we would answer as accurately as we could, saying, for instance, ‘Well, the Conservatives believe that more money should be put into having cleaner hospitals.’
The plan was to join up and – while scanning discreetly for useful information – fade into the background. But that was not going to be easy. Neither of us looked or sounded anything like typical Conservatives. We were both relatively young by the standards of Conservative Party members (David is in his early forties and I’m in my early fifties). I am a scruffy ex-northerner, former squatter and one-time political activist for the likes of CND. David is a cooler, much more elegantly dressed and less politically obsessed character, and he is black. On top of this, we were also living at the same address, generally hanging out together as a closely bonded pair of males and casting a lot of meaningful glances at each other. We honestly did not think it through – we should have – but this led some Tories to jump to the conclusion that we were a non-camp mixed-race homosexual couple.
When any Conservative Party members grilled us about politics, it was very simple to repeat whatever right-wing tirade we’d heard about the matter at a previous drinks party or canvassing session. In fact, though, most of the Tories we met didn’t seem to be particularly interested in talking about politics, reinforcing our belief that being a Conservative was as much about belonging to a tribe with comfortingly familiar rituals as it was about having a firm grasp of a set of political principles.
We felt that most of the Tories we met made instant decisions about whether or not we were worth talking to. All of them seemed to think that there was something fishy about us, especially when meeting us for the first time. In any Tory situation I felt that roughly two-thirds of those present would give me the cold shoulder, and only a few would want to welcome me. In David’s case the proportion of people who gave him a wide berth rose to around three-quarters – especially outside London – and it was hard to escape the conclusion that this was because he was black. Oddly, though, whereas I was exposed to outright hostility once or twice this never seemed to happen to David.
In the main, the Tories we met seemed fantastically uncomfortable around David, and it seemed to be because of the colour of his skin. I felt that none of them believed David’s story that he was a disenchanted Labour voter who wanted to cross the line (we could not, of course, establish this beyond doubt; perhaps once those involved have read this book they will let us know). The feeling we had was that virtually everyone we met thought that David was either on the make – offering to add a spot of much sought-after ‘blackwash’ to the Conservative Party’s predominantly white profile
