sitting at his hearth in his latter years, was brought a great weight of gold by the Samnites, but declined it: it did not seem to him as glorious, he said, to have gold himself, as to rule over those that had it.19
Whatever the ambivalence about the tangible rewards, Rome’s new enthusiasm for Greek culture provided an effective, and widely acceptable, justification for these interventions. When Romans made policy pronouncements during the wars with Philip, Antiochus, and Perseus, they consistently took the line that Rome’s interest was in the freedom of the Greeks. Their declaration of war in 200 had the effrontery to require Philip to abstain from war against any Greek state.20 In an inconsequential conference with Philip in 198, the Roman general T. Quinctius Flamininus declared that Philip must withdraw totally from Greece. After winning the battle of Cynoscephalae in 197,* Flamininus announced at the Isthmian Games in 196 that all the Greeks in Asia and in Europe were to be free and enjoy their own laws, a statement that apparently surprised with joy most of his audience, since they had been assuming that Rome would simply take over the control of Philip’s possessions. In 193 he went on to declare that Rome would next liberate the Greeks of Asia from Antiochus. This promise was fulfilled in 188 in the Treaty of Apamea, concluded by the brothers Scipio,† who had just defeated Antiochus at Magnesia. Again Rome had scored a total victory, but not exacted control of the conquered, or even tranches of their land for settlement. Unlike the previously gained overseas territories in Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and Spain, no prōvincia was created in Greece with a Roman magistrate in command. Taxes were not exacted. It looked as if the Romans, faced with the Greeks, had found a new—and more restrained—model of empire.
Things began to change immediately afterwards. The kingdom of Macedon under Philip’s son Perseus rebelled and after a three-year war was crushed at the battle of Pydna (168) by L. Aemilius Paullus. Epirus, to its southwest, which had given some aid to the rebels, he also sacked, selling 150,000 of its inhabitants into slavery. In both Macedon and Epirus, land taxes were henceforth payable to the Roman treasury. But the power vacuum so created in the territories was judged to lay them open to unrest. Thus, in 148, Macedonia was annexed as a regular province.
Central Greece too became (for Rome) worryingly unstable in the two generations after Flamininus’ declaration of its freedom. political dissension continued to fizz in the free cities, which frequently appealed to Rome against one another and were felt to harbour undesirable elements on the run from Macedonia. Rome had attempted to eliminate troublemakers by interning one thousand prominent citizens in Italy from 164 to 151, but an anti-Roman rebellion occurred after they returned. It was based in Corinth, at the time the preeminent Greek centre of trade and culture.
In 146 the new governor of Macedonia (Q. Caecilius Metellus* Macedonicus) crushed the revolt, and his successor, L. Mummius, reorganized Greece into an unstructured but unthreatening mass of unallied city-states, all under Macedonian command. Roman tax gatherers moved in. Mummius is most famous, though, for razing the ancient city of Corinth. Roman punitive action was not light, and not forgotten. Corinth never recovered, but one effect of the action was a sudden appearance of Greek artworks in the Italian mansions of Mummius’ friends and associates. After fifty years of “freedom,” the logic, or rather the accounting,† of Roman imperium had asserted itself over Greece.
An immediate effect of Rome’s annexation of mainland Greece was a surge of Greek immigrants to Italy. Supply was available to meet the increasingly sophisticated, and urbanized, demand from all levels of Roman society for entertainers, prostitutes, tailors, couturiers, grocers, vintners, cooks, importers, trainers, slave traders, farm labourers, gardeners, nursemaids, butlers, lady’s maids, secretaries, accountants, doctors, architects, tutors, professors.‡ Greek words in Plautus’ plays, our fullest record of early colloquial Latin, do occur mostly in the speech of lower-class characters, but this reflects the era 205–184 BC, the generation when the Greek wars were still being fought. Many of the newcomers would indeed have been slaves resulting from Roman clearances, but increasingly there were volunteer adventurers from free families seeking their fortunes in the households of the newly dominant “barbarians” across the Adriatic. In an autobiographical incident datable to 167, Polybius, recently brought to Rome as a Greek political internee, said to his new friend, the young aristocrat Scipio, “As for these studies, which you and your brother seem to find more and more enthralling as well as promising for your careers, you will find plenty of people to help both of you: there are masses of scholars whom I can see flooding from Greece into Italy nowadays.”21
“These studies” were in grammar and rhetoric, Greek specialities curiously ripe for transplantation, now that significant careers based on public persuasion in the courts and assemblies were less and less possible in a Greece under foreign masters. But such skills were precisely the ones needed to make a mark in Rome’s republican institutions, which in the last two centuries BC were to be increasingly open to talent (if suitably well-heeled), and somewhat less dominated by scions of the old families with distinguished military traditions.*
Despite the masses of scholars recognized by Polybius as descending on Italy, no noted Greek grammarian or rhetorician taught at Rome until 159. Then one Crates of Mallos, who lived and taught in Pergamum in Asia Minor, came to Rome on an embassy from the king. It does not seem that these inaugural sessions were by invitation, or even deliberate: the story goes that Crates had broken his leg in a street culvert on the Palatine Hill and had to prolong his stay, profiting from the time by giving lectures.22 But many high-class Romans had already had Greek classes in their education for a hundred years: Livius Andronicus and Ennius were famous early family tutors in the later third century (called by Suetonius “semi-Greeks”), and references to a PAEDAGOGVS, a Greek slave who accompanied children to school (and often acted as ‘pedagogue’) go back to the early second century, for example, this jokey line from the comedian Pacuvius:
DEPVLSVM MAMMA PAEDAGOGANDVM ACCIPIT REPOTIALIS LIBER
untimely weaned, he was taken up by the wine god of all-nighters for special “schooling”
Upper-class education was to retain this early exposure to Greek, to the extent that some believed that Roman children’s schooling should start with Greek, not Latin: children would learn Latin anyway, they felt, and the origins of education were after all Greek. (Quintilian, the consummate rhetorician of the first century AD, was one who shared this view—but in moderation: it would not do to make a fetish of it [SVPERSTITIOSE], in case the children’s Latin should suffer from excess Greek.)23 From the second century BC it was also increasingly common for the elite to travel to some Greek academic centre in their twenties to complete their education: Athens was supreme, but Pergamum, Smyrna, and Rhodes in Asia, and even Massilia (Marseille) in southern Gaul, attracted many Roman students.
Beyond the elementary level, education without Greek was in fact inconceivable in republican Rome: classes were conducted in it from an early age, and few Greek tutors showed any inclination to learn Latin, so that educated Romans’ competence in Greek, spoken as well as written, was seemingly taken for granted whenever use of languages came up in surviving literature. From 81 BC, it was apparently acceptable to address the Roman Senate in Greek, “to deafen the House’s ears with Greek proceedings,” as the unsympathetic Valerius Maximus put it. Cicero’s professor from Rhodes, Apollonius Molon, established the precedent.24 The pair
