The American Crisis. Thomas Paine

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{1777}

       Chapter VIII. Soldier And Secretary

       {1778}

       Chapter IX. French Aid, And The Paine-deane Controversy.

       {1779}

       Chapter X. A Story By Gouverneur Morris

       CHAPTER XI. Cause, Country, Self

       {1780}

       Chapter XII. A Journey To France

       {1781}

       Chapter XIII. The Muzzled Ox Treading Out The Grain.

       {1782}

       {1783}

       CHAPTER XIV. Great Washington And Poor Paine

       {1784}

       {1785}

       Chapter XV. Pontifical And Political Inventions

       {1786}

       {1787}

       Chapter XVI. Returning To The Old Home

       {1788}

       Chapter XVII. A British Lion With An American Heart

       {1789}

       Chapter XVIII. Paine's Letters To Jefferson In Paris

       Chapter XIX. The Key Of The Bastille

       {1790}

       Chapter XX. "the Rights Of Man"

       {1791}

       Part I. of "The Rights of Man" was printed by Johnson in time for the

       Chapter XXI. Founding The European Republic

       {1792}

       Chapter XXII. The Right Of Evolution

       Chapter XXIII. The Deputy For Calais In The Convention

       Chapter XXIV. Outlawed In England

      Preface

       Table of Contents

      At Hornsey, England, I saw a small square mahogany table, bearing at its centre the following words: "This Plate is inscribed by Thos. Clio Rickman in Remembrance of his dear friend Thomas Paine, who on this table in the year 1792 wrote several of his invaluable Works."

      The works written by Paine in Rickman's house were the second part of "The Rights of Man," and "A Letter to the Addressers." Of these two books vast numbers were circulated, and though the government prosecuted them, they probably contributed largely to make political progress in England evolutionary instead of revolutionary. On this table he set forth constitutional reforms that might be peacefully obtained, and which have been substantially obtained And here he warned the "Addressers," petitioning the throne for suppression of his works: "It is dangerous in any government to say to a nation, Thou shalt not read. This is now done in Spain, and was formerly done under the old government of France; but it served to procure the downfall of the latter, and is subverting that of the former; and it will have the same tendency in all countries; because Thought, by some means or other, is got abroad in the world, and cannot be restrained, though reading may."

      At this table the Quaker chieftain, whom Danton rallied for hoping to make revolutions with rose-water, unsheathed his pen and animated his Round Table of Reformers for a conflict free from the bloodshed he had witnessed in America, and saw threatening France. This little table was the field chosen for the battle of free speech; its abundant ink-spots were the shed blood of hearts transfused with humanity. I do not wonder that Rickman was wont to show the table to his visitors, or that its present owner, Edward Truelove—a bookseller who has suffered imprisonment for selling proscribed books,—should regard it with reverence.

      The table is what was once called a candle-stand, and there stood on it, in my vision, Paine's clear, honest candle, lit from his "inner light," now covered by a bushel of prejudice. I myself had once supposed his light an infernal torch; now I sat at the ink-spotted candle-stand to write the first page of this history, for which I can invoke nothing higher than the justice that inspired what Thomas Paine here wrote.

      The educated ignorance concerning Paine is astounding. I once heard an English prelate speak of "the vulgar atheism of Paine." Paine founded the first theistic society in Christendom; his will closes with the words, "I die in perfect composure, and resignation to the will of my Creator, God." But what can be expected of an English prelate when an historian like Jared Sparks, an old Unitarian minister, could suggest that a letter written by Franklin, to persuade

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