THE RIGHTS OF MAN: The French Revolution – Ideals, Arguments & Motives. Thomas Paine

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       Thomas Paine

      THE RIGHTS OF MAN: The French Revolution – Ideals, Arguments & Motives

       Being an Answer to Mr. Burke's Attack on the French Revolution

       Published by

      

Books

      Advanced Digital Solutions & High-Quality eBook Formatting

       [email protected] 2017 OK Publishing ISBN 978-80-7583-238-2

       Table of Contents

       PART THE FIRST

       The Author's Preface to the English Edition

       The Author's Preface to the French Edition

       Rights of Man

       Declaration Of The Rights Of Man And Of Citizens By The National Assembly Of France

       Miscellaneous Chapter

       Conclusion

       PART THE SECOND

       Preface

       Introduction

       Chapter I Of Society and Civilisation

       Chapter II Of the Origin of the Present Old Governments

       Chapter III Of the Old and New Systems of Government

       Chapter IV Of Constitutions

       Chapter V Ways And Means Of Improving The Condition Of Europe Interspersed With Miscellaneous Observations

       Appendix

      PART THE FIRST

       Table of Contents

      Being an answer to Mr. Burke's attack on the French Revolution

      George Washington

      President Of The United States Of America

      Sir,

      I present you a small treatise in defence of those principles of freedom which your exemplary virtue hath so eminently contributed to establish. That the Rights of Man may become as universal as your benevolence can wish, and that you may enjoy the happiness of seeing the New World regenerate the Old, is the prayer of

      Sir,

      Your much obliged, and

      Obedient humble Servant,

       Thomas Paine

      The Author's Preface to the English Edition

       Table of Contents

      From the part Mr. Burke took in the American Revolution, it was natural that I should consider him a friend to mankind; and as our acquaintance commenced on that ground, it would have been more agreeable to me to have had cause to continue in that opinion than to change it.

      At the time Mr. Burke made his violent speech last winter in the English Parliament against the French Revolution and the National Assembly, I was in Paris, and had written to him but a short time before to inform him how prosperously matters were going on. Soon after this I saw his advertisement of the Pamphlet he intended to publish: As the attack was to be made in a language but little studied, and less understood in France, and as everything suffers by translation, I promised some of the friends of the Revolution in that country that whenever Mr. Burke's Pamphlet came forth, I would answer it. This appeared to me the more necessary to be done, when I saw the flagrant misrepresentations which Mr. Burke's Pamphlet contains; and that while it is an outrageous abuse on the French Revolution, and the principles of Liberty, it is an imposition on the rest of the world.

      I am the more astonished and disappointed at this conduct in Mr. Burke, as (from the circumstances I am going to mention) I had formed other expectations.

      I had seen enough of the miseries of war, to wish it might never more have existence in the world, and that some other mode might be found out to settle the differences that should occasionally arise in the neighbourhood of nations. This certainly might be done if Courts were disposed to set honesty about it, or if countries were enlightened enough not to be made the dupes of Courts. The people of America had been bred up in the same prejudices against France, which at that time characterised the people of England; but experience and an acquaintance with the French Nation have most effectually shown to the Americans the falsehood of those prejudices; and I do not believe that a more cordial and confidential intercourse exists between any two countries than between America and France.

      When I came to France, in the spring of 1787, the Archbishop of Thoulouse was then Minister, and at that time highly esteemed. I became much acquainted with the private Secretary of that Minister, a man of an enlarged benevolent heart; and found that his sentiments and my own perfectly agreed with respect to the madness of war, and the wretched impolicy of two nations, like England and France, continually worrying each other, to no other end than that of a mutual increase of burdens and taxes. That I might be assured I had not misunderstood him, nor he me, I put the substance of our opinions into writing and sent it to him; subjoining a request, that if I should see among the people of England, any disposition to cultivate a better understanding between the two nations than had hitherto prevailed, how far I might be

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