What this was even their old men could not remember. Captain John gave me a few words which he said belonged to the old language. These are all true Salish terms, though non-Halkomelem. He also told me that an old man of their tribe lived among the Nootsak [Nooksack] Indians, to the south of the International Boundary Line, who knew the old tongue. I paid a special visit to this settlement to see this old man, but failed to find him. I fear he is dead, as I could hear nothing of him. I learnt, however, that the Nooksack speech is closely allied to the Squamish. The tribe is much broken down. It is now formed of members of several originally different tribes, only about a half-dozen true male Nooksack Indians being alive.6
“Captain John gave me a few words which he said belonged to the old language.” (B.C. Prov. Mus. photo)
The Chilliwack were more communistic in their mode of life than any tribe I have treated of heretofore. The people were divided into the usual threefold division of chiefs, notables, and base folk. The chieftaincy or headship of the tribe was practically hereditary, though the people could depose their chief and elect another in his place if they were dissatisfied with his supervision of the tribe, or his conduct was such as to make him a bad director. I say “director” rather than “ruler” because the siams of the Salish were rarely, if ever, rulers in the ordinary sense of the word. They were rather overseers or fathers of the tribe, the siam combining in himself the character and functions of a common father and a high-priest, the office, indeed, being more sacerdotal than imperial. He it was who always led and directed the prayers of the community and conducted all their religious observances. To this day he leads them in their responses and conducts the service in their churches when their white minister or instructor is absent. Apparently the deposition of a chief was an extremely rare occurrence. This may possibly have been because the occupants of the office fully realised its dignity and its privileges, and had no desire to forfeit them; but I am disposed to think it was more because they were usually genuinely impressed with the responsibility and duties of their position, and strove earnestly to fulfil them. At any rate, we hear very rarely of a bad or neglectful chief. The Chilliwack traditions record but one such. A deposed chief would be succeeded by his son, or brother, or cousin; so that the chieftaincy would rarely pass out of the family or caste of the chief. I inquired among the Chilliwack what conduct on the part of a chief would bring about his deposition; and was told that selfishness, or meanness, or neglect of the material welfare of the tribe would assuredly do so. I further inquired what course would be taken to depose him. They replied: the elders and chief men of the tribe would meet together and discuss the matter, and then the chief would be told that he was no longer siam, that his son, or his brother, or his cousin had been appointed in his place. The deposed chief would quietly acquiesce in the decision and the new chief would take his place; and that would be the end of the matter. From this it is clear that although the office of siam was practically hereditary, and generally descended from father to son, the chief held the position really on sufferance and with the common consent of the elders and nobles of the tribe. Apparently, among those Salish tribes which are subdivided into village communities, there is always one chief of more importance than the rest. He is lord-paramount. It was so among the Thompson, the Kwantlen, the Squamish and the Chilliwack. Among the latter he is called Yuwel Siam, which signifies “the first-going chief.”
The prime duty of a Chilliwack siam was the care and order of the village or community. His chief thought was given to that, and he was deemed responsible for the common welfare and comfort of the tribe. He directed all undertakings in the common interest, and appointed the times for salmon-fishing, root-digging, and berry-picking. A popular chief was one who was generous, liberal, and kind-hearted, and looked well after the material comforts of the tribe. Rarely, if ever, did the siam act in a military capacity. The stamiq, or war-chief, was generally chosen from among the fighting-men of the tribe on account of his superior prowess or skill in warfare. There was no regular warrior class. Such members of the tribe only as were fond of fighting ever went out to battle, except in such cases as when their settlements or homes were attacked. Then all the men, and sometimes the women too, took part. But this was a rare occurrence. Their traditions speak of quarrels and contests with their neighbours, the Pilatlq [Pilalt]. These arose generally on account of one tribe overrunning the hunting grounds of the other. Apparently the Chilliwack were mostly to blame in this respect, often overstepping the boundaries between them and the Pilalt and hunting in the latter’s territories. Sometimes a body of warriors would descend the Fraser, harry some of the lower settlements, and bring back a number of captives. These they would sell as slaves to the more timid or less adventurous of the tribe, and thus enrich themselves. The siam would usually discountenance these forays; but, as in every other tribe, there were also among the Chilliwack some restless, venturesome spirits, and these would from time to time persuade others less warlike than themselves to join them, by tempting them with visions and promises of the rich spoils they would secure and bring home. Sometimes these war-parties were never heard of again, being ambushed and slain by the way.
I could learn little concerning secret societies or brotherhoods, though some such apparently formerly existed among them, the brotherhood of the sqoiaqi being the most noted. There were also, seemingly, fraternities which possessed peculiar dances; but the whole subject is very obscure and its particulars difficult to gather among the Chilliwack. In common with the other Salish tribes, the Chilliwack indulged in religious and social dances. They observed, too, the Feasts of First-fruits, which were conducted much as described by me in my notes on the Thompson.7 These religious feasts seem to have been observed by all the Halkomelem tribes, as I find them among the upper and the lower tribes of the river.
The potlatch, mortuary, naming, and other feasts were held in esteem by the Chilliwack, as by other of the Salish tribes, though all have been reluctantly given up as a general thing for some years past. Occasionally someone with a large house will be induced to give a dance, I was informed. This will be conducted partly on native lines and partly on the lines of the white man’s dance; but all such gatherings are discountenanced by the Indian authorities and by the missionaries, and occur now but rarely.
The lines between the three social divisions of the Chilliwack were less rigid than those between some of the coast tribes; at least, that is, between the notabilities and the common people. The chief’s caste was a class apart. Only those connected by consanguineal ties could belong to this caste, the head of which was always the yuwel siam, who always bore the personal name or title of swales in addition to his other individual names; and his daughters were always called swalesant. I was unable to learn the significance of these terms, other than that swales signified “getting rich.” A noble or headman among the Chilliwack was such by his wealth and intelligence and by the consent of his fellow-tribesmen. Any man, other than a slave, could win such a position for himself by the acquisition of wealth and by a generous and discreet distribution of the same. The common people, other than the slaves, were such because they were lazy, thriftless, unambitious, or incapable of rising in the social scale.
As I observed at the outset, the Chilliwack were more communistic than their neighbours; they held their possessions more in common. Thus, for example, they ate together as one family. The chief would call upon a certain individual each day to provide the meals for all the others, everyone, more or less, thus taking it in turn to discharge this social duty. The sick and old he would make the charge of those who were best able to take care of them. Thus all were provided for and none left in want. It must not be supposed, however, that all fared alike. Under such a rule there would be no incentive for any individual to lay in a good store of choice food, and the lazy and thriftless would reap the benefits of the toil and foresight of the industrious and careful. In each family the food stores were always divided into three portions, and packed away separately on the shelves over the beds. At the back, where it was most protected from injury, dust, and smoke, was placed the choicest portion. This was intended for the siam, who was entitled by his office to the best of everything. In the middle was placed the second best portion. This was for the owner and his friends, and others of his social
