life (Bretherton & Munholland, 2016).
Ainsworth’s Strange Situation and Attachment Classifications
Virtually all infants form an attachment to their parents, but Canadian psychologist Mary Salter Ainsworth proposed that infants differ in security of attachment—the extent to which they feel that parents can reliably meet their needs. Like Bowlby, Ainsworth believed that infants must develop a dependence on parents, viewing them as a metaphorical secure base, in order to feel comfortable exploring the world (Salter, 1940). To examine attachment, Mary Ainsworth developed the Strange Situation, a structured observational procedure that reveals the security of attachment when the infant is placed under stress. As shown in Table 6.2, the Strange Situation is a heavily structured observation task consisting of eight 3-minute-long episodes. In each segment, the infant is with the parent (typically the mother), with a stranger, with both, or alone. Observations center on the infant’s exploration of the room, his or her reaction when the mother leaves the room, and, especially, his or her responses during reunions, when the mother returns.
On the basis of responses to the Strange Situation, infants are classified into one of several attachment types (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978).
Mary Ainsworth (1913-1999) believed that infants differ in the security of attachment. She created the Strange Situation to measure infants’ security of attachment.
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Table 6.2
Secure Attachment: The securely attached infant uses the parent as a secure base, exploring the environment and playing with toys in the presence of the parent, but regularly checking in (e.g., by looking at the parent or bringing toys). The infant shows mild distress when the parent leaves. On the parent’s return, the infant greets the parent enthusiastically, seeks comfort, and then returns to individual play. About two thirds of North American infants who complete the Strange Situation are classified as securely attached (Lamb & Lewis, 2015).
Insecure-Avoidant Attachment: Infants who display an insecure-avoidant attachment show little interest in the mother and busily explore the room during the Strange Situation. The infant is not distressed when the mother leaves and may react to the stranger in similar ways as to the mother. The infant ignores or avoids the mother on return or shows subtle signs of avoidance, such as failing to greet her or turning away from her. About 15% of samples of North American infants’ responses to the Strange Situation reflect this style of attachment (Lamb & Lewis, 2015).
Insecure-Resistant Attachment: Infants with an insecure-resistant attachment show a mixed pattern of responses to the mother. The infant remains preoccupied with the mother throughout the procedure, seeking proximity and contact, clinging even before the separation. When the mother leaves, the infant is distressed and cannot be comforted. During reunions, the infant’s behavior suggests resistance, anger, and distress. The infant might seek proximity to the mother and cling to her while simultaneously pushing her away, hitting, or kicking. About 10% of North American infants tested in the Strange Situation fall into this category (Lamb & Lewis, 2015).
Insecure-Disorganized Attachment: A fourth category was added later to account for the small set of infants (10% or below) who show inconsistent, contradictory behavior in then Strange Situation. The infant with insecure-disorganized attachment shows a conflict between approaching and fleeing the caregiver, suggesting fear (Main & Solomon, 1986). Infants showing insecure-disorganized attachment experience the greatest insecurity, appearing disoriented and confused. They may cry unexpectedly and may show a flat, depressed emotion and extreme avoidance or fearfulness of the caregiver.
Attachment-Related Outcomes
Secure parent–child attachments are associated with positive socioemotional development in infancy, childhood, and adolescence. Preschool and school-age children who were securely attached as infants tend to be more curious, empathetic, self-confident, and socially competent, and they will have more positive interactions and close friendships with peers (Groh, Fearon, van IJzendoorn, Bakermans-Kranenburg, & Roisman, 2017; Veríssimo, Santos, Fernandes, Shin, & Vaughn, 2014). The advantages of secure attachment continue into adolescence. Adolescents who were securely attached in infancy and early childhood are more socially competent, tend to be better at making and keeping friends and functioning in a social group, and demonstrate greater emotional health, self-esteem, ego resiliency, and peer competence (Boldt, Kochanska, Yoon, & Koenig Nordling, 2014; Sroufe, 2016; Stern & Cassidy, 2018).
In contrast, insecure attachment in infancy, particularly disorganized attachment, is associated with long-term negative outcomes, including poor peer relationships, poor social competence, and higher rates of antisocial behavior, depression, and anxiety from childhood into adulthood (Groh et al., 2017; Kochanska & Kim, 2013; Wolke, Eryigit-Madzwamuse, & Gutbrod, 2014). Insecure attachments tend to correlate with difficult life circumstances and contexts, such as parental problems, low socioeconomic status (SES), and environmental stress, that persist throughout childhood and beyond, influencing the continuity of poor outcomes (Granqvist et al., 2017). One longitudinal study suggested that infants with an insecure disorganized attachment at 12 and 18 months of age were, as adults, more likely to have children with insecure disorganized attachment, suggesting the possibility of intergenerational transmission of insecure attachment (and associated negative outcomes) (Raby, Steele, Carlson, & Sroufe, 2015). Conversely, attachment is not set in stone. Quality parent–child interactions can at least partially make up for poor interactions early in life. Children with insecure attachments in infancy who experience subsequent sensitive parenting show more positive social and behavioral outcomes in childhood and adolescence than do those who receive continuous care of poor quality (Sroufe, 2016). In addition, infants can form attachments to multiple caregivers with secure attachments, perhaps buffering the negative effects of insecure attachments (Boldt et al., 2014).
Influences on Attachment
The most important determinant of infant attachment is the caregiver’s ability to consistently and sensitively respond to the child’s signals (Ainsworth et al., 1978; Behrens, Parker, & Haltigan, 2011). Infants become securely attached to mothers who are sensitive and offer high-quality responses to their signals, who accept their role as caregiver, who are accessible and cooperative with infants, who are not distracted by their own thoughts and needs, and who feel a sense of efficacy (Gartstein & Iverson, 2014). Mothers of securely attached infants provide stimulation and warmth and consistently synchronize or match their interactions with their infants’ needs (Beebe et al., 2010). Secure mother–infant dyads show more positive interactions and fewer negative interactions compared with insecure dyads (Guo et al., 2015). The goodness of fit between the infant and parent’s temperament influences attachment, supporting the role of reciprocal interactions in attachment (Seifer et al., 2014).
The most important determinant of infant attachment is the caregiver’s ability to consistently and sensitively respond to the child’s signals
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Infants who are insecurely attached have mothers who tend to be more rigid, unresponsive, inconsistent, and demanding (Gartstein &
